9 September 2011, Hurriyet Daily News http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com (Turkey)
Ibrahim Kalin*
The Israeli attack on the Mavi Marmara aid ship bound for Gaza on May 31, 2010, has proven to be a turning point in Turkish-Israeli relations. After the fundamentally flawed Palmer-Uribe report was leaked to the media on Sept. 1 and the Netenyahu government refused to apologize for the brutal execution of nine Turks, including one U.S. citizen whom Roger Cohen of the New York Times called “the forgotten American,” relations have hit a very low point. But the way the Israeli government has responded to the crisis and its refusal to respect international law and uphold the principle of justice has implications beyond bilateral relations and underscores Israel’s dismal failure to grasp the dynamics of the new Middle East. It is also a failure to understand Turkey’s resolve to protect the rights of its citizens.
The killing of nine people 78 nautical miles off the coast of Gaza in international waters is by any standards illegal and immoral. The Palmer Report acknowledges this by saying that Israeli commandos used “excessive force” and the government of Israel failed to provide any credible explanation for the killings from close range. Before a Cabinet meeting this week, Mr. Netanyahu said, “We need not apologize” for the killings, choosing a path of defiance that makes Israel all the more isolated and cornered in the world.
The Palmer-Uribe Report’s claim that the siege of Gaza is legal is essentially wrong and goes beyond its mandate. If the siege is legal, as the report claims, then the occupation of Palestine is legal too because the siege, which has been in effect since 2007, is an extension of the occupation. But the universally accepted fact, established by scores of reports and resolutions, is that the occupation of Palestine including the siege of Gaza is illegal, inhuman and immoral.
Turkey has dismissed the Palmer-Uribe Report because its conclusion about the siege contradicts previous statements and reports by the United Nations, including the Geneva-based U.N. Human Rights Council and statements by the U.N. secretary-general. Furthermore, the Palmer Report, contrary to some claims, is not a legally binding document to be voted on at the U.N. nor is the panel a court that can issue a juridical view on Gaza. But by giving a carte blanche to Israel’s piracy in international waters, it has disregarded international law and undermined the fundamental principles of justice and freedom for all including the Palestinians.
The Netenyahu government’s refusal to issue a formal apology to Turkey has led to a swift reaction from Turkey. Prime Minister Erdoğan ordered the implementation of five measures against Israel including the lowering of diplomatic relations and freezing of military agreements. “No country is above the law,” said Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, referring to the big elephant in the room, which is the Israeli exceptionalism in regional and global politics. PM Erdoğan described Israel as acting “like a spoiled child in the face of all U.N. decisions.” The prime minister also said Turkey has no quarrel with the people of Israel and Jews around the world. And he is proven to be right: Despite the tensions between the two countries, there has been no disturbance among the Turkish Jewish community.
Refusing to apologize and then claiming to want to repair relations with Turkey, as Mr. Netenyahu said recently, is not only an oxymoron but also self-delusional. As PM Erdoğan has declared on various occasions, Turkish-Israeli relations will not be normalized until and unless Turkey’s three conditions are met. Turkey keeps the door of diplomacy open, but it is up to Israel to pass through it or close it.
The Netenyahu government’s defiant yet eventually self-destructive approach is indicative of the eclipse of Israeli strategic thinking. Israeli politicians fail to understand that the fundamental values of the new Middle East spearheaded by the Arab Spring are no longer occupation, dictatorship and alienation but justice, freedom and rule of law. No policy that does not take these values seriously can have legitimacy. Policies of occupation, dispossession and humiliation will no longer be covered up and justified by petty dictators in the Middle East. This should be a wakeup call for Israel to end the occupation and have a serious reassessment of its strategic priorities.
By risking losing Turkey, Israel misreads history and ends up cornering itself not only in the Middle East but also in the U.S. According to former U.S. Defense Secretary Gates, “Netanyahu is not only ungrateful [for the billions of dollars of aid from the U.S.] but also endangering his country by refusing to grapple with Israel’s growing isolation.”
I wonder what it will take to wake up the Israeli leaders from their slumber.
*İbrahim Kalın is senior adviser to the prime minister of Turkey
domingo, 11 de setembro de 2011
CRISES WITH TURKEY AND EGYPT REPRESENT A POLITICAL TSUNAMI FOR ISRAEL
10 September 2011, Haaretz הארץ (Israel)
The political crisis has become a reality well before the Palestinians declare their independent state, writes Haaretz editor-in-chief Aluf Benn, leaving Israel isolated in facing Iran, Turkey and Egypt.
By Aluf Benn
The anxiety caused by the Arab Spring among the Israeli public became a reality this weekend, when protesters broke into the Israeli Embassy in Cairo, and expelled the Israeli diplomats from their country.
The embassy staff’s urgent evacuation in a special IAF plane in the wake of President Obama’s intervention is a stark reminder of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. Seven months after the downfall of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, Egyptian protesters tore to shreds the Israeli flag, a symbol of peace between Egypt and its eastern neighbor, after 31 years. It seems that the flag will not return to the flagstaff anytime soon.
The historians who will write about the collapse of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty will start their stories during the twilight years of the Mubarak regime, when the government gradually lost control over the Sinai Peninsula, turning the desert into an abandoned frontier of weapons smuggling, human trafficking, and African refugees.
The demilitarization agreements, which removed the Egyptian army from Sinai and were slowly eroded following Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip, have accelerated sharply in the last several months. Time after time, Egypt requested and received permission to “temporarily” deploy more troops and weaponry along the border, in order to restore order and security in the region.
For the Egyptians, this was an opportunity to shake off the limitations imposed on them by the peace agreement, and regain their full sovereignty over the buffer zone that lies between the Suez Canal and the Negev.
In the 70s, when the peace accords were signed, the Egyptian military’s presence in Sinai posed a great security threat. Now, Egyptian soldiers seem like the lesser evil and an antidote to the much larger threat of a political and security vacuum across the border.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is concerned that the Sinai Peninsula will turn into a larger version of the Gaza Strip, full of weapons and launching pads aimed at Israeli territory. The fence that Israel is building along the Egyptian border is intended to ensure routine security measures aimed at preventing terrorists and refugees from spilling over the border. Israel will not be able to handle the strategic dangers that are bound to unfold on the other side.
The “embassy crisis” exploded in the wake of the killing of five Egyptian soldiers on August 18 during a border skirmish that came on the heels of a terrorist attack against Israeli civilians on their way to Eilat.
The Tahrir protesters and Egyptian politicians, frustrated with the slow pace of regime change, have directed their anger toward the most hated target in Cairo – the Israeli Embassy. Defense Minister Ehud Barak’s public expression of regret, and the Israeli promises to cooperate with Egypt in investigating the incident did not interest the Egyptian public.
The protests continued, and a week after the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador from Ankara on similar grounds - anger stemming from the killing of Turkish citizens aboard last year’s Gaza flotilla – the Israeli ambassador was expelled from Cairo. The only difference is that in Turkey, the government initiated the downgrading of ties, while in Egypt the people did so against the will of their rulers.
Netanyahu and his government have prided themselves on their steadfast commitment to national ideals, and the prime minster is convinced that he was right in refusing to apologize to the Turks for killing their citizens. According to his perspective, the Arab world scrutinizes Israel’s actions, and an apology to Turkey would be interpreted as a sign of unforgivable weakness.
But Netanyahu was not content with merely refusing to apologize. Instead of attempting to calm the conflict with Turkey, Israel was dragged into a dangerous battle with Ankara.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan threatened to send a Turkish naval fleet to accompany the next flotillas to Gaza, and Netanyahu responded with a widely-covered visit to an Israeli naval base. Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, who consistently outflanks Netanyahu from the right, suggests, publicly, that Israel aid the PKK Kurdish insurgency, in order to balance out Turkey’s support for Hamas.
Netanyahu and Lieberman are heroes of the media, but when the chips are down, it turns out that Israel has direct influence on Egypt. Thus, Netanyahu must resort to asking for help from Obama, his great opponent, in order to evacuate the embassy employees. Once again, it becomes clear that Israel cannot manage without help from the United States.
Netanyahu now hopes that Israel might be able to get close with Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf States, who also seek to block the possibility of an Arab Spring in the region. In the West, Netanyahu is hoping to circumvent Turkey by strengthening ties with Greece, Bulgaria and Romania. During his visit to the Balkans, he was shown photos and statues of national heros, sent to their deaths by the Ottoman Empire. A real basis for friendship.
These are but minor comforts. The political tsunami that Ehud Barak foresaw has come true prior to the unilateral declaration of a Palestinian state in the UN. Israel is left isolated facing Iran, Turkey and Egypt, which in the past were considered close allies. Netanyahu is convinced that the Arab Spring uprisings are a decree of fate, leaving Israel with little to do but to stand firmly in its place.
Israel cannot prevent the rise of Erdogan or the fall of Mubarak, the same way that it cannot halt Iran’s nuclear weapons program. The fall of the American superpower is not Netanyahu’s fault. But he has not done a thing to mitigate the fallout from the aforementioned developments. Israel’s political and strategic positions are far worse under his leadership.
More on this topic
• Obama expresses 'great concern' to Netanyahu over Israeli Embassy attack
• Israeli diplomatic staff and families evacuated after Egyptians storm embassy in Cairo
• Arab Spring succeeded, it's Egypt that failed
The political crisis has become a reality well before the Palestinians declare their independent state, writes Haaretz editor-in-chief Aluf Benn, leaving Israel isolated in facing Iran, Turkey and Egypt.
By Aluf Benn
The anxiety caused by the Arab Spring among the Israeli public became a reality this weekend, when protesters broke into the Israeli Embassy in Cairo, and expelled the Israeli diplomats from their country.
The embassy staff’s urgent evacuation in a special IAF plane in the wake of President Obama’s intervention is a stark reminder of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. Seven months after the downfall of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, Egyptian protesters tore to shreds the Israeli flag, a symbol of peace between Egypt and its eastern neighbor, after 31 years. It seems that the flag will not return to the flagstaff anytime soon.
The historians who will write about the collapse of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty will start their stories during the twilight years of the Mubarak regime, when the government gradually lost control over the Sinai Peninsula, turning the desert into an abandoned frontier of weapons smuggling, human trafficking, and African refugees.
The demilitarization agreements, which removed the Egyptian army from Sinai and were slowly eroded following Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip, have accelerated sharply in the last several months. Time after time, Egypt requested and received permission to “temporarily” deploy more troops and weaponry along the border, in order to restore order and security in the region.
For the Egyptians, this was an opportunity to shake off the limitations imposed on them by the peace agreement, and regain their full sovereignty over the buffer zone that lies between the Suez Canal and the Negev.
In the 70s, when the peace accords were signed, the Egyptian military’s presence in Sinai posed a great security threat. Now, Egyptian soldiers seem like the lesser evil and an antidote to the much larger threat of a political and security vacuum across the border.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is concerned that the Sinai Peninsula will turn into a larger version of the Gaza Strip, full of weapons and launching pads aimed at Israeli territory. The fence that Israel is building along the Egyptian border is intended to ensure routine security measures aimed at preventing terrorists and refugees from spilling over the border. Israel will not be able to handle the strategic dangers that are bound to unfold on the other side.
The “embassy crisis” exploded in the wake of the killing of five Egyptian soldiers on August 18 during a border skirmish that came on the heels of a terrorist attack against Israeli civilians on their way to Eilat.
The Tahrir protesters and Egyptian politicians, frustrated with the slow pace of regime change, have directed their anger toward the most hated target in Cairo – the Israeli Embassy. Defense Minister Ehud Barak’s public expression of regret, and the Israeli promises to cooperate with Egypt in investigating the incident did not interest the Egyptian public.
The protests continued, and a week after the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador from Ankara on similar grounds - anger stemming from the killing of Turkish citizens aboard last year’s Gaza flotilla – the Israeli ambassador was expelled from Cairo. The only difference is that in Turkey, the government initiated the downgrading of ties, while in Egypt the people did so against the will of their rulers.
Netanyahu and his government have prided themselves on their steadfast commitment to national ideals, and the prime minster is convinced that he was right in refusing to apologize to the Turks for killing their citizens. According to his perspective, the Arab world scrutinizes Israel’s actions, and an apology to Turkey would be interpreted as a sign of unforgivable weakness.
But Netanyahu was not content with merely refusing to apologize. Instead of attempting to calm the conflict with Turkey, Israel was dragged into a dangerous battle with Ankara.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan threatened to send a Turkish naval fleet to accompany the next flotillas to Gaza, and Netanyahu responded with a widely-covered visit to an Israeli naval base. Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, who consistently outflanks Netanyahu from the right, suggests, publicly, that Israel aid the PKK Kurdish insurgency, in order to balance out Turkey’s support for Hamas.
Netanyahu and Lieberman are heroes of the media, but when the chips are down, it turns out that Israel has direct influence on Egypt. Thus, Netanyahu must resort to asking for help from Obama, his great opponent, in order to evacuate the embassy employees. Once again, it becomes clear that Israel cannot manage without help from the United States.
Netanyahu now hopes that Israel might be able to get close with Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf States, who also seek to block the possibility of an Arab Spring in the region. In the West, Netanyahu is hoping to circumvent Turkey by strengthening ties with Greece, Bulgaria and Romania. During his visit to the Balkans, he was shown photos and statues of national heros, sent to their deaths by the Ottoman Empire. A real basis for friendship.
These are but minor comforts. The political tsunami that Ehud Barak foresaw has come true prior to the unilateral declaration of a Palestinian state in the UN. Israel is left isolated facing Iran, Turkey and Egypt, which in the past were considered close allies. Netanyahu is convinced that the Arab Spring uprisings are a decree of fate, leaving Israel with little to do but to stand firmly in its place.
Israel cannot prevent the rise of Erdogan or the fall of Mubarak, the same way that it cannot halt Iran’s nuclear weapons program. The fall of the American superpower is not Netanyahu’s fault. But he has not done a thing to mitigate the fallout from the aforementioned developments. Israel’s political and strategic positions are far worse under his leadership.
• Obama expresses 'great concern' to Netanyahu over Israeli Embassy attack
• Israeli diplomatic staff and families evacuated after Egyptians storm embassy in Cairo
• Arab Spring succeeded, it's Egypt that failed
JOINT LEFT-WING PALESTINIANS AND ISRAELI PARTIES AND GROUPS STATEMENT IN SUPPORT OF THE SOCIAL STRUGGLE IN ISRAEL
8 September 2011, Communist Party of Israel המפלגה הקומוניסטית הישראלית http://maki.org.il
A large group of left-wing Palestinian and Israeli parties, unions and civil society groups has issued an unprecedented joint statement in support of the Israeli struggle for social justice. The signatories demand unity in the struggle against occupation and racism.
(Half-million protest in Tel-Aviv, last Saturday, September 3, 2011/Photo: Activestills)
For the first time since the launch of social justice J14 movement in Israel, and perhaps for the first time in regional history, official Palestinian parties and NGOs are showing their support for an Israeli civilian struggle against neo-liberalism and capitalism. Alongside their general statement of support, signatories mentioned the influence Arab revolutions have had on the Israeli movement, and stressed the importance they see in the ground-breaking widespread cooperation between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel.
In addition, the signatories call upon J14 to connect their struggle with the one against the illegal settlements and the occupation, and to stop the Israeli government’s from attempting to sideline the struggle in the face of “outside security threats” such as the upcoming vote on recognition of Palestinian statehood at the UN on 20 September.
Beyond these messages of support, the statement reaffirms the signatories’ commitment both to the Palestinian Authority’s attempt to gain UN recognition for a Palestinian state, and to the joint popular struggle against the occupation. Yet another notion on the agenda is the message of solidarity with all peoples of the region who are currently fighting for freedom and independence from totalitarian regimes.
The statement full text
Together for putting an end to occupation and racism, in support of the struggle of the Palestinian people to attain their national rights and against national and social oppression
Even in light of the encouraging developments in the Middle East, the wave of social protests and the awakening of the peoples’ struggles for freedoms and the right to live in dignity, the Palestinian people still live under the yoke of the Israeli occupation, despite their persistent and on-going struggle for freedom. The international community, for its part, demonstrates its helplessness and does not lend a hand to support the Palestinian struggle for liberation and justice.
The protest movements and the winds of change blowing in the Arab world have aroused excitement throughout the world amongst freedom seekers, encouraging many to adopt the model of popular struggle. These protest movements have had a deep impact on various groups in Israel, amongst both Jews and Palestinians, and made an important contribution to the rise of the popular protest movement within Israel for social justice.
Moved by our aspiration to attain a just and fair peace in the region, a peace that is truly essential for the peoples of the region and can assist in promoting the struggle for justice and progress for everyone, we – Palestinian and Israeli social and political forces, representatives of women’s associations and young people from both sides of the Green Line – emphasise the need for a joint struggle, with the goal of liberating the peoples of the region from colonialism and hegemony, particularly that of Zionism, halting the occupation and Israeli military aggression and supporting the just struggle of the Palestinian people for fulfilment of its right for self-determination in accordance with the decisions of the international community.
We look forward to the liberation of all the region’s peoples from dictatorship, ruling tyranny and from all forms of national, social and economic oppression. Therefore, we the signatories on this document, emphasise:
1. We support the Palestinian September initiative in the United Nations, the body which carries responsibility for laying the foundations of peace internationally, in order to demand full membership for Palestine in the UN and recognition of a Palestinian state in the borders of 4 June 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital, and to strengthen the efforts to end the occupation of the Palestinian people’s lands, with preservation of the right of the Palestinian people to oppose the occupation and the right of return of the refugees in accordance with United Nations Resolution 194. In this context, we emphasise that the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, deriving its legitimacy both from the Palestinian people in the homeland and exile and from the recognition it received from the Arab League and the United Nations.
The UN initiative is a legitimate step. The United Nations must fulfil its responsibility to realize its responsibility to establish peace and justice on the international level. This is a step that strengthens the rights of the Palestinian people and in no way represents a threat to Israel, despite the great efforts of the Israeli government to present this step to the Israeli people as a declaration of war or harming the legitimacy of the existence of Israel.
2. We understand that one of the primary reasons for the social and economic distress of citizens in Israel, in addition to the capitalist economic policies, is the continuation of the occupation and excessive security budgets, which Israel’s government seeks to justify as needed for defending the security of the settlements on the one hand and the state borders on the other. We therefore believe that an end to the occupation and establishment of a fair and just peace are essential for a life of peace and welfare.
We welcome the participation and integration of the Palestinian population in Israel in the social protest. This is an important opportunity to present before various groups within Israeli society the distresses of the Palestinians and the injustices caused to them, so that these groups can take responsibility in the struggle against the marginalizing policies and on-going discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel, for putting an ending to confiscation of lands and full equality, and an end to the occupation of the Palestinian lands that were occupied in 1967.
We warn again the familiar attempts by the occupation government to evade the crises and its internal crises and the pressure of the protest waves through the politics of fear which point to an external threat: Whether by presenting the Palestinian appeal to the UN as a “danger” or by military actions, as we have witnessed in the past few days in light of the harsh escalation in bloodletting of the Palestinian people in Gaza.
3. We recognize the right of the Palestinian people, living under occupation, to make use of all the legitimate forms of resistance in accordance with international norms for removing of the occupiers from its land and for self- determination. In this context, we emphasise the importance of the joint popular struggle of Palestinians and Israelis. A popular joint struggle is one of the central guiding principles in the struggle against the occupation, the settlements, racism, colonialism, against policies of exclusion, weakening, impoverishment, and racist separation within Israel.
Association of Palestinian Democratic Youth (Palestine)
Association of Progressive Students (Palestine)
Communist Party of Israel
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Front for Peace and Equality – Hadash (Israel)
Democratic Teachers’ Union (Palestine)
Democratic Union of Professionals in Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Women’s Movement in Israel (Israel)
National Campaign for Return of the Bodies of Arab and Palestinian Martyrs Captured by the Israeli Government (Palestine)
Palestinian People’s Party (Palestine)
Popular Campaign for the Boycott of Israeli Products (Palestine)
Progressive Workers’ Union (Palestine)
Tarabut-Hithabrut – Arab-Jewish Movement for Social and Political Change (Israel)
The Alternative Information Center (Palestine/Israel)
Union of Palestinian Farmers’ Unions (Palestine)
Union of One World for Justice (Palestine)
Union of Palestinian Working Women (Palestine)
Workers’ Unity Bloc (Palestine)
A large group of left-wing Palestinian and Israeli parties, unions and civil society groups has issued an unprecedented joint statement in support of the Israeli struggle for social justice. The signatories demand unity in the struggle against occupation and racism.
(Half-million protest in Tel-Aviv, last Saturday, September 3, 2011/Photo: Activestills)
For the first time since the launch of social justice J14 movement in Israel, and perhaps for the first time in regional history, official Palestinian parties and NGOs are showing their support for an Israeli civilian struggle against neo-liberalism and capitalism. Alongside their general statement of support, signatories mentioned the influence Arab revolutions have had on the Israeli movement, and stressed the importance they see in the ground-breaking widespread cooperation between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel.
In addition, the signatories call upon J14 to connect their struggle with the one against the illegal settlements and the occupation, and to stop the Israeli government’s from attempting to sideline the struggle in the face of “outside security threats” such as the upcoming vote on recognition of Palestinian statehood at the UN on 20 September.
Beyond these messages of support, the statement reaffirms the signatories’ commitment both to the Palestinian Authority’s attempt to gain UN recognition for a Palestinian state, and to the joint popular struggle against the occupation. Yet another notion on the agenda is the message of solidarity with all peoples of the region who are currently fighting for freedom and independence from totalitarian regimes.
The statement full text
Together for putting an end to occupation and racism, in support of the struggle of the Palestinian people to attain their national rights and against national and social oppression
Even in light of the encouraging developments in the Middle East, the wave of social protests and the awakening of the peoples’ struggles for freedoms and the right to live in dignity, the Palestinian people still live under the yoke of the Israeli occupation, despite their persistent and on-going struggle for freedom. The international community, for its part, demonstrates its helplessness and does not lend a hand to support the Palestinian struggle for liberation and justice.
The protest movements and the winds of change blowing in the Arab world have aroused excitement throughout the world amongst freedom seekers, encouraging many to adopt the model of popular struggle. These protest movements have had a deep impact on various groups in Israel, amongst both Jews and Palestinians, and made an important contribution to the rise of the popular protest movement within Israel for social justice.
Moved by our aspiration to attain a just and fair peace in the region, a peace that is truly essential for the peoples of the region and can assist in promoting the struggle for justice and progress for everyone, we – Palestinian and Israeli social and political forces, representatives of women’s associations and young people from both sides of the Green Line – emphasise the need for a joint struggle, with the goal of liberating the peoples of the region from colonialism and hegemony, particularly that of Zionism, halting the occupation and Israeli military aggression and supporting the just struggle of the Palestinian people for fulfilment of its right for self-determination in accordance with the decisions of the international community.
We look forward to the liberation of all the region’s peoples from dictatorship, ruling tyranny and from all forms of national, social and economic oppression. Therefore, we the signatories on this document, emphasise:
1. We support the Palestinian September initiative in the United Nations, the body which carries responsibility for laying the foundations of peace internationally, in order to demand full membership for Palestine in the UN and recognition of a Palestinian state in the borders of 4 June 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital, and to strengthen the efforts to end the occupation of the Palestinian people’s lands, with preservation of the right of the Palestinian people to oppose the occupation and the right of return of the refugees in accordance with United Nations Resolution 194. In this context, we emphasise that the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, deriving its legitimacy both from the Palestinian people in the homeland and exile and from the recognition it received from the Arab League and the United Nations.
The UN initiative is a legitimate step. The United Nations must fulfil its responsibility to realize its responsibility to establish peace and justice on the international level. This is a step that strengthens the rights of the Palestinian people and in no way represents a threat to Israel, despite the great efforts of the Israeli government to present this step to the Israeli people as a declaration of war or harming the legitimacy of the existence of Israel.
2. We understand that one of the primary reasons for the social and economic distress of citizens in Israel, in addition to the capitalist economic policies, is the continuation of the occupation and excessive security budgets, which Israel’s government seeks to justify as needed for defending the security of the settlements on the one hand and the state borders on the other. We therefore believe that an end to the occupation and establishment of a fair and just peace are essential for a life of peace and welfare.
We welcome the participation and integration of the Palestinian population in Israel in the social protest. This is an important opportunity to present before various groups within Israeli society the distresses of the Palestinians and the injustices caused to them, so that these groups can take responsibility in the struggle against the marginalizing policies and on-going discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel, for putting an ending to confiscation of lands and full equality, and an end to the occupation of the Palestinian lands that were occupied in 1967.
We warn again the familiar attempts by the occupation government to evade the crises and its internal crises and the pressure of the protest waves through the politics of fear which point to an external threat: Whether by presenting the Palestinian appeal to the UN as a “danger” or by military actions, as we have witnessed in the past few days in light of the harsh escalation in bloodletting of the Palestinian people in Gaza.
3. We recognize the right of the Palestinian people, living under occupation, to make use of all the legitimate forms of resistance in accordance with international norms for removing of the occupiers from its land and for self- determination. In this context, we emphasise the importance of the joint popular struggle of Palestinians and Israelis. A popular joint struggle is one of the central guiding principles in the struggle against the occupation, the settlements, racism, colonialism, against policies of exclusion, weakening, impoverishment, and racist separation within Israel.
Association of Palestinian Democratic Youth (Palestine)
Association of Progressive Students (Palestine)
Communist Party of Israel
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Front for Peace and Equality – Hadash (Israel)
Democratic Teachers’ Union (Palestine)
Democratic Union of Professionals in Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Women’s Movement in Israel (Israel)
National Campaign for Return of the Bodies of Arab and Palestinian Martyrs Captured by the Israeli Government (Palestine)
Palestinian People’s Party (Palestine)
Popular Campaign for the Boycott of Israeli Products (Palestine)
Progressive Workers’ Union (Palestine)
Tarabut-Hithabrut – Arab-Jewish Movement for Social and Political Change (Israel)
The Alternative Information Center (Palestine/Israel)
Union of Palestinian Farmers’ Unions (Palestine)
Union of One World for Justice (Palestine)
Union of Palestinian Working Women (Palestine)
Workers’ Unity Bloc (Palestine)
MYTHS AND FACTS ON THE PALMER REPORT
8 September 2011, Gisha http://www.gisha.org גישה (Israel)
This week we address some common myths and misconceptions which have emerged over the past days following the release of the Report of the Secretary-General’s Panel of Inquiry on the 31 May 2010 Flotilla Incident (in other words, the Palmer Report). These are myths which we identified in the report itself, in the Israeli and Turkish positions as they are summarized in the report, as well as in public debate (mainly in the media) sparked by the report.
Myth: The commission determined that Israel’s closure of Gaza is legal.
Fact: The commission determined that Israel’s naval blockade is legal. The commission argued that an assessment of the legality of the naval blockade can be conducted independently of the question of the legality of the overall closure policy. We disagree with this assessment and believe that restrictions on movement, whether by land, sea or air, constitute a single policy, the components of which cannot be reviewed independently. The legality of the overall closure policy was left as an open question by the panel, however, a recommendation was made to Israel that it continue easing restrictions on movement “with a view to lifting its closure and to alleviate the unsustainable humanitarian and economic situation of the civilian population” in Gaza (par. 156).
Myth: The Palmer Commission was a formal panel of inquiry, charged with the authority to summon witnesses and whose findings can be considered thorough and binding by law.
Fact: The commission was established by the UN Secretary-General on August 2, 2010, to review the “circumstances and context” related to the May 2010 flotilla incident. The panel stressed in its report that it was not “acting as a Court and was not asked to adjudicate on legal liability” (Summary, par. 1). Moreover, it states that, “its findings and recommendations are therefore not intended to attribute any legal responsibilities” much in the same way as the recommendations of the Goldstone report were not legally binding. The panel did not have a mandate to summon witnesses, it was meant to work by consensus and no live testimony was heard. The panel formed its report drawing from the information supplied from Turkish and Israeli domestic inquiries and representatives chosen by each country.
Myth: The maritime closure began in January 2009.
Fact: Israel did indeed declare a naval blockade in 2009, but it has blocked sea access to Gaza since 1967 by virtue of its authority as an occupying power. Gisha’s position is that the laws of occupation continue to apply to the Gaza Strip following the implementation of Israel’s Disengagement Plan in 2005, since Israel still controls key aspects of life in the area. The laws of occupation permit Israel to decide through which channels goods and people will enter and leave the Gaza Strip, however they also impose upon Israel an obligation to allow movement, subject to specific security inspections, and to facilitate normal life in the occupied territory.
Myth: “Israel is the Occupying Power in Gaza, and cannot blockade the borders of the territory it occupies” (Summary of the Interim and Final Reports of Turkey’s National Investigation, par. 23e).
Fact: Gisha’s position is that Israel has the authority (under the law of occupation and not the law of naval blockade!) to determine by which routes goods and people enter and leave the occupied territory, while at the same time bearing an obligation to allow movement and access in such a way that facilitates normal life.
Myth: Bringing in goods via the sea isn’t possible anyway because there is no deep sea port in Gaza, and therefore the naval blockade is not related to the restrictions on movement of civilians and civilian goods (see par.78).
Fact: While it’s true that there is currently no deep sea port, the report fails to note that Israel bombed the site of a planned seaport in September 2001, where construction had already begun. Since that time, and despite a promise made in the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access, Israel has refused to provide guarantees to the international donors who wish to fund construction of a port that it will not bomb the site again, thus preventing it from being built. Blocking access via the sea is an inherent part of Israel’s overall closure policy.
Myth: “The blockade did not constitute collective punishment of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip: there is no evidence that Israel deliberately imposed restrictions on bringing goods into Gaza with the sole or main purpose of denying them to the civilian population” (from the Summary of the Report of Israel’s National Investigation, par. 47e).
Fact: Sweeping restrictions on movement of people and goods to and from Gaza were imposed in June 2007 and articulated in a September 2007 decision by the Israeli Security Cabinet. The cabinet decision refers to a need to restrict movement in order to respond to Hamas’ rise to power in Gaza and the firing of rockets from Gaza into Israel, however the restrictions are not imposed in order to confront a concrete security threat but rather as a means to exert pressure on the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip. The concept of using “economic warfare” as a means of pressure has been confirmed on numerous occasions in statements made by public officials, as well as by the Israeli Justice Ministry in a statement to the Israeli Supreme Court.
Israel’s closure of the Gaza Strip impacts each and every one of its residents, more than half of whom are children, regardless of whether they are personally involved in violent acts against Israel or not. For this reason, the closure constitutes collective punishment, in violation of international law.
Myth: Israel ended its closure of Gaza after the 2010 flotilla incident.
Fact: Some key aspects of Israel’s closure policy have been eased. In July 2010, Israel removed a ban on the entrance of consumer goods and raw materials, however, it continues to restrict export, entrance of construction materials and movement of people between Gaza and the West Bank. These restrictions continue to paralyze the economy of Gaza and cause substantial damage to key aspects of civilian life. In so doing, Israel continues to violate its obligations under international law, rendering its policy of closure – including the maritime closure – unlawful. In order to bring its policy into compliance with international law – meaning that security interests are protected while obligations to civilians in Gaza are maintained – Israel must allow export, entrance of construction materials, and travel between Gaza and the West Bank, subject only to individual security checks.
This week we address some common myths and misconceptions which have emerged over the past days following the release of the Report of the Secretary-General’s Panel of Inquiry on the 31 May 2010 Flotilla Incident (in other words, the Palmer Report). These are myths which we identified in the report itself, in the Israeli and Turkish positions as they are summarized in the report, as well as in public debate (mainly in the media) sparked by the report.
Myth: The commission determined that Israel’s closure of Gaza is legal.
Fact: The commission determined that Israel’s naval blockade is legal. The commission argued that an assessment of the legality of the naval blockade can be conducted independently of the question of the legality of the overall closure policy. We disagree with this assessment and believe that restrictions on movement, whether by land, sea or air, constitute a single policy, the components of which cannot be reviewed independently. The legality of the overall closure policy was left as an open question by the panel, however, a recommendation was made to Israel that it continue easing restrictions on movement “with a view to lifting its closure and to alleviate the unsustainable humanitarian and economic situation of the civilian population” in Gaza (par. 156).
Myth: The Palmer Commission was a formal panel of inquiry, charged with the authority to summon witnesses and whose findings can be considered thorough and binding by law.
Fact: The commission was established by the UN Secretary-General on August 2, 2010, to review the “circumstances and context” related to the May 2010 flotilla incident. The panel stressed in its report that it was not “acting as a Court and was not asked to adjudicate on legal liability” (Summary, par. 1). Moreover, it states that, “its findings and recommendations are therefore not intended to attribute any legal responsibilities” much in the same way as the recommendations of the Goldstone report were not legally binding. The panel did not have a mandate to summon witnesses, it was meant to work by consensus and no live testimony was heard. The panel formed its report drawing from the information supplied from Turkish and Israeli domestic inquiries and representatives chosen by each country.
Myth: The maritime closure began in January 2009.
Fact: Israel did indeed declare a naval blockade in 2009, but it has blocked sea access to Gaza since 1967 by virtue of its authority as an occupying power. Gisha’s position is that the laws of occupation continue to apply to the Gaza Strip following the implementation of Israel’s Disengagement Plan in 2005, since Israel still controls key aspects of life in the area. The laws of occupation permit Israel to decide through which channels goods and people will enter and leave the Gaza Strip, however they also impose upon Israel an obligation to allow movement, subject to specific security inspections, and to facilitate normal life in the occupied territory.
Myth: “Israel is the Occupying Power in Gaza, and cannot blockade the borders of the territory it occupies” (Summary of the Interim and Final Reports of Turkey’s National Investigation, par. 23e).
Fact: Gisha’s position is that Israel has the authority (under the law of occupation and not the law of naval blockade!) to determine by which routes goods and people enter and leave the occupied territory, while at the same time bearing an obligation to allow movement and access in such a way that facilitates normal life.
Myth: Bringing in goods via the sea isn’t possible anyway because there is no deep sea port in Gaza, and therefore the naval blockade is not related to the restrictions on movement of civilians and civilian goods (see par.78).
Fact: While it’s true that there is currently no deep sea port, the report fails to note that Israel bombed the site of a planned seaport in September 2001, where construction had already begun. Since that time, and despite a promise made in the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access, Israel has refused to provide guarantees to the international donors who wish to fund construction of a port that it will not bomb the site again, thus preventing it from being built. Blocking access via the sea is an inherent part of Israel’s overall closure policy.
Myth: “The blockade did not constitute collective punishment of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip: there is no evidence that Israel deliberately imposed restrictions on bringing goods into Gaza with the sole or main purpose of denying them to the civilian population” (from the Summary of the Report of Israel’s National Investigation, par. 47e).
Fact: Sweeping restrictions on movement of people and goods to and from Gaza were imposed in June 2007 and articulated in a September 2007 decision by the Israeli Security Cabinet. The cabinet decision refers to a need to restrict movement in order to respond to Hamas’ rise to power in Gaza and the firing of rockets from Gaza into Israel, however the restrictions are not imposed in order to confront a concrete security threat but rather as a means to exert pressure on the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip. The concept of using “economic warfare” as a means of pressure has been confirmed on numerous occasions in statements made by public officials, as well as by the Israeli Justice Ministry in a statement to the Israeli Supreme Court.
Israel’s closure of the Gaza Strip impacts each and every one of its residents, more than half of whom are children, regardless of whether they are personally involved in violent acts against Israel or not. For this reason, the closure constitutes collective punishment, in violation of international law.
Myth: Israel ended its closure of Gaza after the 2010 flotilla incident.
Fact: Some key aspects of Israel’s closure policy have been eased. In July 2010, Israel removed a ban on the entrance of consumer goods and raw materials, however, it continues to restrict export, entrance of construction materials and movement of people between Gaza and the West Bank. These restrictions continue to paralyze the economy of Gaza and cause substantial damage to key aspects of civilian life. In so doing, Israel continues to violate its obligations under international law, rendering its policy of closure – including the maritime closure – unlawful. In order to bring its policy into compliance with international law – meaning that security interests are protected while obligations to civilians in Gaza are maintained – Israel must allow export, entrance of construction materials, and travel between Gaza and the West Bank, subject only to individual security checks.
EGYPT UNREST, TURKEY ROW DEEPEN ISRAELI ISOLATION
10 September 2011, AFP
Al Ahram Online http://english.ahram.org.eg (Egypt)
Fractured diplomatic relations with Egypt and Turkey leave Israel increasingly isolated ahead of Palestinian moves to seek UN recognition
Already embroiled in a fierce diplomatic row with former ally Turkey, Israel found itself in fresh crisis Saturday with southern neighbour Egypt after crowds entered and trashed its Cairo embassy.
Israel has few friends in the Muslim world, and the chill on two fronts further deepens its isolation ahead of Palestinian plans to seek full membership in the United Nations.
The overnight attack on the Cairo diplomatic mission, in which crowds smashed through an external security wall, tossed embassy papers from balconies and tore down the Israeli flag, was the worst since Israel set up its mission in Egypt, the first Arab country to sign a peace treaty with Tel Aviv, in 1979.Along with Jordan it is still one of only two Arab states to host an Israeli ambassador.
Since former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak's ouster in February following a popular revolt, activists have called for a revision of the peace treaty with Israel.
"The mob attack on the Israeli embassy is a serious incident," Israeli news website Ynet on Saturday quoted Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu as saying.
"It was a painful blow to the peace between us and a grave violation of diplomatic norms," an Israeli official told AFP on condition of anonymity, adding that a senior diplomat stayed behind in Egypt after the ambassador and his staff were evacuated, to maintain delicate ties with Egypt.
"We left the deputy ambassador to keep up contact with the Egyptian government," the official said.Israeli army radio said the remaining diplomat was "in a safe place."
"Peace between Israel and Egypt is a strategic interest of both countries and must be maintained despite the angry mob on the streets," Israeli opposition leader Tzipi Livni told Ynet.
Egypt declared a state of alert after police clashed with protesters who raided the building housing Israel's embassy.It was the latest episode in worsening relations between Egypt and Israel since the killing of five Egyptian policemen last month on their common border as Israel hunted alleged militants after a deadly attack.
Zvi Mazel, a former Israeli ambassador to Egypt, said that military ruler and current de facto head of state Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi was out of touch with grassroots demonstrators."It's a situation of total anarchy where there is nobody on the military committee, General Tantawi or his friends, who can go to the Egyptian people and say 'Enough, finish, we have a problem. We have to revive the economy, move forward'," Mazel told public radio.
"The Egyptian interim military government is weak, unable to have a dialogue with the Egyptian people," he added.
Israel's latest Egyptian woes came hard on the heels of the worst exchange yet with Turkey, after Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Thursday threatened to send warships to escort any Turkish vessels trying to breach Israel's naval blockade of the Gaza Strip.
On Friday, Netanyahu's office said that the cabinet had considered various responses to a further worsening of already stormy relations with Turkey, but had not taken action."Israel acts and will act responsibly and hopes that Turkey will also act in the same way," it said in a statement.
Israel and Turkey have been locked in a bitter dispute since May 2010 when Israeli naval commandos stormed a convoy of six ships trying to reach Gaza in defiance of the blockade, killing nine Turks.The crisis deepened over the past week with Turkey expelling the Israeli ambassador and axing military ties and defence trade.
The United States on Friday sought to calm the situation between two of its allies."We're urging both sides to refrain from provocative action," said State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland.
The worst may be yet to come for Israel on the diplomatic front, as the Palestinians plan to make their bid for membership in the United Nations later this month.They are to announce soon if they will apply to the Security Council to become a full member of the UN or seek recognition by the General Assembly.
Israel opposes both options but acknowledges that the Palestinians are likely to win majority support in the General Assembly.
Al Ahram Online http://english.ahram.org.eg (Egypt)
Fractured diplomatic relations with Egypt and Turkey leave Israel increasingly isolated ahead of Palestinian moves to seek UN recognition
Already embroiled in a fierce diplomatic row with former ally Turkey, Israel found itself in fresh crisis Saturday with southern neighbour Egypt after crowds entered and trashed its Cairo embassy.
Israel has few friends in the Muslim world, and the chill on two fronts further deepens its isolation ahead of Palestinian plans to seek full membership in the United Nations.
The overnight attack on the Cairo diplomatic mission, in which crowds smashed through an external security wall, tossed embassy papers from balconies and tore down the Israeli flag, was the worst since Israel set up its mission in Egypt, the first Arab country to sign a peace treaty with Tel Aviv, in 1979.Along with Jordan it is still one of only two Arab states to host an Israeli ambassador.
Since former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak's ouster in February following a popular revolt, activists have called for a revision of the peace treaty with Israel.
"The mob attack on the Israeli embassy is a serious incident," Israeli news website Ynet on Saturday quoted Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu as saying.
"It was a painful blow to the peace between us and a grave violation of diplomatic norms," an Israeli official told AFP on condition of anonymity, adding that a senior diplomat stayed behind in Egypt after the ambassador and his staff were evacuated, to maintain delicate ties with Egypt.
"We left the deputy ambassador to keep up contact with the Egyptian government," the official said.Israeli army radio said the remaining diplomat was "in a safe place."
"Peace between Israel and Egypt is a strategic interest of both countries and must be maintained despite the angry mob on the streets," Israeli opposition leader Tzipi Livni told Ynet.
Egypt declared a state of alert after police clashed with protesters who raided the building housing Israel's embassy.It was the latest episode in worsening relations between Egypt and Israel since the killing of five Egyptian policemen last month on their common border as Israel hunted alleged militants after a deadly attack.
Zvi Mazel, a former Israeli ambassador to Egypt, said that military ruler and current de facto head of state Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi was out of touch with grassroots demonstrators."It's a situation of total anarchy where there is nobody on the military committee, General Tantawi or his friends, who can go to the Egyptian people and say 'Enough, finish, we have a problem. We have to revive the economy, move forward'," Mazel told public radio.
"The Egyptian interim military government is weak, unable to have a dialogue with the Egyptian people," he added.
Israel's latest Egyptian woes came hard on the heels of the worst exchange yet with Turkey, after Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Thursday threatened to send warships to escort any Turkish vessels trying to breach Israel's naval blockade of the Gaza Strip.
On Friday, Netanyahu's office said that the cabinet had considered various responses to a further worsening of already stormy relations with Turkey, but had not taken action."Israel acts and will act responsibly and hopes that Turkey will also act in the same way," it said in a statement.
Israel and Turkey have been locked in a bitter dispute since May 2010 when Israeli naval commandos stormed a convoy of six ships trying to reach Gaza in defiance of the blockade, killing nine Turks.The crisis deepened over the past week with Turkey expelling the Israeli ambassador and axing military ties and defence trade.
The United States on Friday sought to calm the situation between two of its allies."We're urging both sides to refrain from provocative action," said State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland.
The worst may be yet to come for Israel on the diplomatic front, as the Palestinians plan to make their bid for membership in the United Nations later this month.They are to announce soon if they will apply to the Security Council to become a full member of the UN or seek recognition by the General Assembly.
Israel opposes both options but acknowledges that the Palestinians are likely to win majority support in the General Assembly.
quinta-feira, 8 de setembro de 2011
DO PROTESTO SOCIAL PARA A MUDANÇA POLÍTICA
6 Setembro 2011, ODiario.info http://www.odiario.info (Portugal)
Comité Central do Partido Comunista de Israel
Este comunicado do CC do PC Israel analisa o protesto de massas que se tem verificado em Israel: não se trata de “mais um protesto”, mas de um movimento muito amplo em que convergem as camadas mais pobres da sociedade israelense, profundamente desigual e injusta. E o protesto, na apreciação do PCI, vai mais fundo: é anti-capitalista.
Uma forte onda de protesto social tem surgido em Israel. O protesto, que começou com a organização de um acampamento no Rothschild Boulevard, no centro de Tel Aviv, se espalhou pelo país desde Kiryat Shmona, no norte, até Eliat, no sul. O protesto tem sido participado por grandes e diversificados públicos – a classe média em erosão, trabalhadores com média e baixa rendas, moradores de bairros pobres, mães, estudantes – que, na maioria, trabalham para suas sobrevivências. Os líderes dos protestos são jovens, empregados e educados. Começando como um protesto contra o aumento das rendas, em uma semana se tornou um protesto contra as condições de vida sustentadas pelas políticas do governo neoliberal.
É importante entender que não se trata de “mais um protesto” ou “outra manifestação” com uma forma já conhecida em Israel, mas de um desenvolvimento político importante que requer uma análise profunda e uma rejeição do pensamento convencional.
1. Na essência, o novo movimento de protesto social é anti-capitalista: representa uma resistência às políticas dominantes do neoliberalismo de privatização e desmantelamento dos acordos de bem-estar; representa um apoio aos valores socialistas e uma crença na responsabilidade do estado para com os seus;
2. É nosso papel, no contexto do movimento de protesto, continuar a esclarecer e trazer à tona a natureza ideológica da luta básica – uma luta entre dois caminhos diferentes: um estado que é responsável por todos os seus cidadãos e residentes versus um estado que os abandona às forças do mercado e dos magnatas.
Ao mesmo tempo, devemos elucidar a natureza política da luta – e convencer o público de que Netanyahu prefere os interesses dos magnatas e das oligarquias às necessidades do grande público; ele prefere ocupações e assentamentos à vida diária da sociedade Israelense – e que qualquer mudança real requer a derrota do governo de Netanyahu.
1. O protesto anti-capitalista enfraquece, mas não erradica, as perspectivas nacionalistas e as polaridades políticas em torno da questão da ocupação em andamento dos territórios Palestinos e do acordo de paz;
2. É nosso papel, no contexto do protesto, continuar explicando, paciente e sensivelmente, a conexão entre essas duas questões. Nós temos que relembrar aos nossos ouvintes do alto custo económico e social das políticas de ocupação e assentamentos. Uma paz justa facilitará uma mudança de prioridades e mais investimento em moradias, educação, saúde e bem-estar.
Devemos continuar falando contra as tentativas do governo de erradicar os protestos através de meios que levem a outro conflito militar ou, até mesmo, guerra.
Devemos continuar falando contra as tentativas do governo de “dividir e conquistar” enquanto se aprofunda a discriminação nacionalista contra a população Árabe de Israel. O verdadeiro teste do protesto será sua habilidade de manter solidariedade e ampla unidade frente a todos que foram prejudicados pelas políticas dominantes.
1. A luta pela mudança social em Israel pode obter sucesso somente com uma luta conjunta entre Judeus e Árabes. A adopção de um modo Judaico-Árabe de acção é um teste importante para a maturidade do movimento de protesto. A organização de acampamentos de protesto nas comunidades Árabes e nas cidades, liderada por membros do PC de Israel, é um desenvolvimento importante guiado para consolidar o carácter do protesto Judaico-Árabe.
Até agora, o protesto não assumiu o carácter de uma manifestação de massa entre o público Árabe. Os mecanismos de divisão nacional que existem em Israel criam uma sensação de distância do protesto existente dentre os segmentos do público Árabe.
A população Árabe deve ter um lugar importante nesse protesto. A participação da população Árabe no protesto é importante porque seu público sofre muito mais com a falta de moradia e serviços sociais e com a pobreza dobrada, ou quadruplicada, como resultado das políticas discriminatórias de todos os governos Israelenses contra a minoria nacional. A direita tenta empurrar os cidadãos Árabes para fora do campo da actividade social e política em Israel.
1. O protesto social está se espalhando junto com as importantes lutas dos trabalhadores. Os médicos estão liderando uma luta prolongada não somente em relação às suas condições de trabalho, mas também pelo futuro do sistema público de saúde. Os professores universitários estão lutando por empregos justos. Os trabalhadores químicos de Haifa estão conduzindo uma prolongada greve e os trabalhadores das indústrias alimentícias do norte estão lutando contra demissões. De qualquer maneira, até agora os trabalhadores organizados em sindicatos não se juntaram ao protesto com força total. O líder da Federação Histadrut de Trabalhadores, Ofer Eini, está tentando diluir o protesto focando em alguns “itens de compra”, isto é, progressos limitados e localizados;
2. Na essência, o movimento de protesto social é uma progressiva manifestação de força não somente contra o actual modelo de capitalismo neoliberal, mas, também, contra as correntes fascistas que ameaçam o espaço democrático de Israel. O movimento de protesto é prova clara de que a sociedade Israelense também mantém uma quantidade não desprezível de forças saudáveis, as quais podem produzir mudanças progressivas. Essa é uma resposta formidável e convincente para os sentimentos de desespero que, nos anos recentes, tem caracterizado certos grupos na esquerda e na população Árabe.
O PCI nunca compartilhou a sensação de desespero do público Israelense e da sociedade Israelense. Nossa análise Marxista sempre nos permitiu expor a natureza dialéctica da realidade, com suas contradições inerentes e as possibilidades de mudança, que essas contradições produzem continuamente. No 25° Congresso do partido (2007), nós reiteramos nossa análise da estrutura básica da sociedade de classes Israelense. Argumentamos, incisivamente, contra todas as abordagens que subestimam o poder e a importância das contradições internas da sociedade Israelense e a condição que essas contradições têm de criar uma estrutura real de mudança.
1. Nos últimos anos o PCI tem conduzido, sistematicamente, uma forma de “políticas de massa”, dentro do público Judeu também. “Política de massa” consiste em um ponto de virada para o público com slogans que tem o poder de mobilizar. Ao mesmo tempo, continuamente constrói parcerias na luta, tais como a campanha municipal de Tel Aviv por “Uma cidade para todos”, as acções do Primeiro de Maio, as generalizadas manifestações democráticas contra os perigos fascistas, assim como nossa actividade relacionada ao estabelecimento de um estado Palestino, acabando com as ocupações e alcançando uma paz justa. “Política de massa” não significa um abandono do nosso caminho ou nossos princípios. Subjacente, essa política é a compreensão de que determinar os princípios é somente o começo da acção política e não sua nota final: que os princípios não têm força se não forem traduzidos em bandeiras que o público possa entender. Ser uma vanguarda progressista, de acordo com a formação leninista, é, de fato, caminhar antes das massas, mas numa distância que o público possa acompanhar a liderança.
2. As “políticas de massa” do PCI contribuíram, e ainda contribuem muito no desenvolvimento de uma luta progressista em Israel. De qualquer maneira, será um erro grave achar que essa luta nos fortalecerá politicamente. A história está repleta de exemplos de protesto social que não traduziram a verdadeira mudança.
A mudança acontece, somente, quando o protesto social é traduzido para a acção política e dirigido para o poder político. Para que isso aconteça em Israel, um amplo movimento socialista deve surgir do protesto social e se consolidar – um movimento que irá incluir do nosso lado, inclusive, outros grupos, organizações, movimentos da juventude e organizações sociais. Tal movimento deve integrar valores socialistas, luta democrática e deve ter um carácter Árabe-Judeu. Também deve ser baseado na apreciação da conexão entre a ocupação e os problemas da sociedade.
1. Estamos diante de um desafio urgente, nesse contexto, porque as eleições para a Federação Histadrut de Trabalhadores se aproximam. Na iminência dessas eleições, trabalharemos por uma ampla cooperação Judaico-Árabe e socialista, com o Hadash no centro e apresentando um candidato para liderar o Histadrut – como uma alternativa de esquerda à política de colaboração com o regime político e com o capital, que é o que líder do Histadrut tem feito.
2. Uma profunda análise da luta social e das oportunidades que ela nos abre para mudar a sociedade Israelense vai ficar no centro da nossa preparação para o 26° Congresso do PCI, que ocorrerá no final do ano.
Paralelamente, disponibilizaremos nossas mensagens de consciência de classe na imprensa do partido, no nosso trabalho político no Knesset, nos conselhos locais, no Histadrut (Federação de Trabalhadores em Israel), federação Na’amat de mulheres, sindicatos de professores, conselhos de trabalhadores e na nossa actividade entre as mulheres, os estudantes e a juventude.
O Comité Central do PCI saúda os membros do partido que estão activos no movimento de protesto social.
O Comité Central do PCI chama todas as organizações partidárias e Juventudes Comunistas, e nossos parceiros no Hadash, para continuar a organização de acampamentos nas comunidades e na vizinhança e para consolidar planos práticos de trabalho em cada respectiva área de actividade, no espírito dessas decisões.
Agosto de 2011
Website do Partido Comunista de Israel (em Inglês):
http://maki.org.il/en/index.php
Traduzido por Mariângela Marques.
Comité Central do Partido Comunista de Israel
Este comunicado do CC do PC Israel analisa o protesto de massas que se tem verificado em Israel: não se trata de “mais um protesto”, mas de um movimento muito amplo em que convergem as camadas mais pobres da sociedade israelense, profundamente desigual e injusta. E o protesto, na apreciação do PCI, vai mais fundo: é anti-capitalista.
Uma forte onda de protesto social tem surgido em Israel. O protesto, que começou com a organização de um acampamento no Rothschild Boulevard, no centro de Tel Aviv, se espalhou pelo país desde Kiryat Shmona, no norte, até Eliat, no sul. O protesto tem sido participado por grandes e diversificados públicos – a classe média em erosão, trabalhadores com média e baixa rendas, moradores de bairros pobres, mães, estudantes – que, na maioria, trabalham para suas sobrevivências. Os líderes dos protestos são jovens, empregados e educados. Começando como um protesto contra o aumento das rendas, em uma semana se tornou um protesto contra as condições de vida sustentadas pelas políticas do governo neoliberal.
É importante entender que não se trata de “mais um protesto” ou “outra manifestação” com uma forma já conhecida em Israel, mas de um desenvolvimento político importante que requer uma análise profunda e uma rejeição do pensamento convencional.
1. Na essência, o novo movimento de protesto social é anti-capitalista: representa uma resistência às políticas dominantes do neoliberalismo de privatização e desmantelamento dos acordos de bem-estar; representa um apoio aos valores socialistas e uma crença na responsabilidade do estado para com os seus;
2. É nosso papel, no contexto do movimento de protesto, continuar a esclarecer e trazer à tona a natureza ideológica da luta básica – uma luta entre dois caminhos diferentes: um estado que é responsável por todos os seus cidadãos e residentes versus um estado que os abandona às forças do mercado e dos magnatas.
Ao mesmo tempo, devemos elucidar a natureza política da luta – e convencer o público de que Netanyahu prefere os interesses dos magnatas e das oligarquias às necessidades do grande público; ele prefere ocupações e assentamentos à vida diária da sociedade Israelense – e que qualquer mudança real requer a derrota do governo de Netanyahu.
1. O protesto anti-capitalista enfraquece, mas não erradica, as perspectivas nacionalistas e as polaridades políticas em torno da questão da ocupação em andamento dos territórios Palestinos e do acordo de paz;
2. É nosso papel, no contexto do protesto, continuar explicando, paciente e sensivelmente, a conexão entre essas duas questões. Nós temos que relembrar aos nossos ouvintes do alto custo económico e social das políticas de ocupação e assentamentos. Uma paz justa facilitará uma mudança de prioridades e mais investimento em moradias, educação, saúde e bem-estar.
Devemos continuar falando contra as tentativas do governo de erradicar os protestos através de meios que levem a outro conflito militar ou, até mesmo, guerra.
Devemos continuar falando contra as tentativas do governo de “dividir e conquistar” enquanto se aprofunda a discriminação nacionalista contra a população Árabe de Israel. O verdadeiro teste do protesto será sua habilidade de manter solidariedade e ampla unidade frente a todos que foram prejudicados pelas políticas dominantes.
1. A luta pela mudança social em Israel pode obter sucesso somente com uma luta conjunta entre Judeus e Árabes. A adopção de um modo Judaico-Árabe de acção é um teste importante para a maturidade do movimento de protesto. A organização de acampamentos de protesto nas comunidades Árabes e nas cidades, liderada por membros do PC de Israel, é um desenvolvimento importante guiado para consolidar o carácter do protesto Judaico-Árabe.
Até agora, o protesto não assumiu o carácter de uma manifestação de massa entre o público Árabe. Os mecanismos de divisão nacional que existem em Israel criam uma sensação de distância do protesto existente dentre os segmentos do público Árabe.
A população Árabe deve ter um lugar importante nesse protesto. A participação da população Árabe no protesto é importante porque seu público sofre muito mais com a falta de moradia e serviços sociais e com a pobreza dobrada, ou quadruplicada, como resultado das políticas discriminatórias de todos os governos Israelenses contra a minoria nacional. A direita tenta empurrar os cidadãos Árabes para fora do campo da actividade social e política em Israel.
1. O protesto social está se espalhando junto com as importantes lutas dos trabalhadores. Os médicos estão liderando uma luta prolongada não somente em relação às suas condições de trabalho, mas também pelo futuro do sistema público de saúde. Os professores universitários estão lutando por empregos justos. Os trabalhadores químicos de Haifa estão conduzindo uma prolongada greve e os trabalhadores das indústrias alimentícias do norte estão lutando contra demissões. De qualquer maneira, até agora os trabalhadores organizados em sindicatos não se juntaram ao protesto com força total. O líder da Federação Histadrut de Trabalhadores, Ofer Eini, está tentando diluir o protesto focando em alguns “itens de compra”, isto é, progressos limitados e localizados;
2. Na essência, o movimento de protesto social é uma progressiva manifestação de força não somente contra o actual modelo de capitalismo neoliberal, mas, também, contra as correntes fascistas que ameaçam o espaço democrático de Israel. O movimento de protesto é prova clara de que a sociedade Israelense também mantém uma quantidade não desprezível de forças saudáveis, as quais podem produzir mudanças progressivas. Essa é uma resposta formidável e convincente para os sentimentos de desespero que, nos anos recentes, tem caracterizado certos grupos na esquerda e na população Árabe.
O PCI nunca compartilhou a sensação de desespero do público Israelense e da sociedade Israelense. Nossa análise Marxista sempre nos permitiu expor a natureza dialéctica da realidade, com suas contradições inerentes e as possibilidades de mudança, que essas contradições produzem continuamente. No 25° Congresso do partido (2007), nós reiteramos nossa análise da estrutura básica da sociedade de classes Israelense. Argumentamos, incisivamente, contra todas as abordagens que subestimam o poder e a importância das contradições internas da sociedade Israelense e a condição que essas contradições têm de criar uma estrutura real de mudança.
1. Nos últimos anos o PCI tem conduzido, sistematicamente, uma forma de “políticas de massa”, dentro do público Judeu também. “Política de massa” consiste em um ponto de virada para o público com slogans que tem o poder de mobilizar. Ao mesmo tempo, continuamente constrói parcerias na luta, tais como a campanha municipal de Tel Aviv por “Uma cidade para todos”, as acções do Primeiro de Maio, as generalizadas manifestações democráticas contra os perigos fascistas, assim como nossa actividade relacionada ao estabelecimento de um estado Palestino, acabando com as ocupações e alcançando uma paz justa. “Política de massa” não significa um abandono do nosso caminho ou nossos princípios. Subjacente, essa política é a compreensão de que determinar os princípios é somente o começo da acção política e não sua nota final: que os princípios não têm força se não forem traduzidos em bandeiras que o público possa entender. Ser uma vanguarda progressista, de acordo com a formação leninista, é, de fato, caminhar antes das massas, mas numa distância que o público possa acompanhar a liderança.
2. As “políticas de massa” do PCI contribuíram, e ainda contribuem muito no desenvolvimento de uma luta progressista em Israel. De qualquer maneira, será um erro grave achar que essa luta nos fortalecerá politicamente. A história está repleta de exemplos de protesto social que não traduziram a verdadeira mudança.
A mudança acontece, somente, quando o protesto social é traduzido para a acção política e dirigido para o poder político. Para que isso aconteça em Israel, um amplo movimento socialista deve surgir do protesto social e se consolidar – um movimento que irá incluir do nosso lado, inclusive, outros grupos, organizações, movimentos da juventude e organizações sociais. Tal movimento deve integrar valores socialistas, luta democrática e deve ter um carácter Árabe-Judeu. Também deve ser baseado na apreciação da conexão entre a ocupação e os problemas da sociedade.
1. Estamos diante de um desafio urgente, nesse contexto, porque as eleições para a Federação Histadrut de Trabalhadores se aproximam. Na iminência dessas eleições, trabalharemos por uma ampla cooperação Judaico-Árabe e socialista, com o Hadash no centro e apresentando um candidato para liderar o Histadrut – como uma alternativa de esquerda à política de colaboração com o regime político e com o capital, que é o que líder do Histadrut tem feito.
2. Uma profunda análise da luta social e das oportunidades que ela nos abre para mudar a sociedade Israelense vai ficar no centro da nossa preparação para o 26° Congresso do PCI, que ocorrerá no final do ano.
Paralelamente, disponibilizaremos nossas mensagens de consciência de classe na imprensa do partido, no nosso trabalho político no Knesset, nos conselhos locais, no Histadrut (Federação de Trabalhadores em Israel), federação Na’amat de mulheres, sindicatos de professores, conselhos de trabalhadores e na nossa actividade entre as mulheres, os estudantes e a juventude.
O Comité Central do PCI saúda os membros do partido que estão activos no movimento de protesto social.
O Comité Central do PCI chama todas as organizações partidárias e Juventudes Comunistas, e nossos parceiros no Hadash, para continuar a organização de acampamentos nas comunidades e na vizinhança e para consolidar planos práticos de trabalho em cada respectiva área de actividade, no espírito dessas decisões.
Agosto de 2011
Website do Partido Comunista de Israel (em Inglês):
http://maki.org.il/en/index.php
Traduzido por Mariângela Marques.
WHAT WAY FORWARD FOR MASS SOCIAL STRUGGLES IN ISRAEL?
7 September 2011, World Socialist Web Site http://www.wsws.org (Australia)
Nearly half a million people poured into the streets of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and towns and cities across Israel on Saturday to raise the banner of “social justice” and protest against low wages and the rising costs of housing, food, transportation, education and other basic social necessities that are rendering life intolerable for the majority of the population.
Fueling the mass anger behind these protests is Israel’s ever-increasing social inequality that has handed huge profits to a handful of billionaire “tycoons,” even as millions face social deprivation. It is widely recognized that the policies of the right-wing regime of Benyamin Netanyahu are dictated by the interests and demands of a tiny plutocracy.
The sheer scale of the protests Saturday—encompassing 5.5 percent of Israel’s population of 7.75 million, the equivalent of 18 million people protesting in the US—underscores the movement’s profound historical significance.
More than six decades after the founding of the Israeli state, following continuous wars against neighboring Arab countries and more than 44 years of occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the demonstrations have served to undermine a central Zionist myth. They have exposed the fact that in Israel, as in every other country, it is the class question that is fundamental, not nationality, race, religion or ethnicity.
Moreover, Jewish workers in Israel are responding to the same historic crisis of global capitalism that produced the mass revolts that have swept the Middle East, toppling the Western-backed dictatorships of Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt. Many of the protesters who pitched tents on Tel Aviv’s Rothschild Boulevard and took to the streets of other towns and cities compared themselves to the Egyptian masses who occupied Tahrir Square.
This involves the embryonic consciousness that workers in Israel, just like in Egypt, are entering into a struggle that is international in its scope and that cannot be resolved within the confines of the national borders dividing the Middle East.
However, those in the leadership of these protests along with the Zionist union federation, Histadrut, which has backed them, and the various pseudo-left organizations that follow in its wake are determined to divert this movement back into the safe channels of Israel’s existing political setup.
This has been the significance from the outset of the insistence of the protests’ organizers on “no politics.” It had the same significance as similar proscriptions offered by the organizers of protests by Spain’s indignados: reinforcing the domination of the existing politics of the parties of the ruling elite and their servants in the union bureaucracy.
The leaders of the protest, together with the bureaucracy of Histadrut, have explicitly rejected any struggle to bring down the Netanyahu government. Instead, they have indicated their willingness to negotiate with this government, the most right-wing in Israel’s history, which has formed a committee for the purpose of presenting some cosmetic “reforms” based on moving around spending within the exiting Israeli budget, while leaving untouched the existing system of capitalist exploitation and social inequality.
In Israel, of course, the proscription of politics has additional and even more fatal implications. It excludes from a struggle waged in the name of equality and social justice the deep social oppression arising from the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza; the fate of the millions of Palestinian refugees driven from their land; and the unequal status of Israel’s Arabs, 20 percent of the population, under a state that defines itself as Jewish.
It also leaves this movement defenseless in the face of the Netanyahu government’s invocation of alleged threats to Israel and appeals for Zionist unity to stifle social unrest. Netanyahu even exploited the protests over housing prices as the pretext to push ahead with more Zionist settlements around occupied East Jerusalem.
Finally, it prevents any real challenge to the vast diversion of social wealth into maintaining Israel’s massive military complex, which serves to intimidate the Palestinian people and all the countries of the Middle East.
In the wake of the fatal ambushes near the Sinai border last month, the following weekend’s protests were called off by the organizers. And it appears that the huge demonstrations last Saturday will not be repeated.
The decision to wind up this movement in September is hardly an accident. It coincides with a steady drumbeat of warnings from the Netanyahu government that the attempt this month by the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority to secure recognition from the United Nations of Palestinian statehood will be accompanied by widespread violence.
As Israel’s reactionary foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, put it recently, “The Palestinian Authority is planning a bloodbath.”
In reality, it is the Israeli military apparatus that is preparing for a bloodbath and a new round of war. There is no evidence that Palestinian workers and youth see the bourgeois Palestinian leadership’s maneuvers at the UN as of vital import. This UN resolution will do no more to better their conditions than all the ones that have preceded it. And even if the UN were to grant statehood—which it will not—a national entity created on the irrational and economically unviable borders left by the carve-up of Palestine would resolve none of the social and democratic demands of the Palestinian people.
The Israeli regime makes such threats because it fears above all the undermining of the ideological basis of its rule, and an explosion of the class struggle throughout the Middle East. To forestall the threat of a unified struggle of the Jewish and Arab working class against imperialism, it is willing to take the most desperate and reckless measures, including war—a situation that highlights the deep political significance of a struggle to unify the workers of the Middle East.
The mass protests in Israel have shown that there exists the objective basis in the Israeli working class for such a policy. However, carrying forward these struggles against the ruling class’s policy of social reaction and war requires elaborating a new political program and forging new mass organizations of the working class on the perspective of socialist internationalism. This means building sections of the International Committee of the Fourth International in Israel and Palestine, in Egypt, Tunisia and throughout the region, committed to a common fight a Socialist Federation of the Middle East.
Nearly half a million people poured into the streets of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and towns and cities across Israel on Saturday to raise the banner of “social justice” and protest against low wages and the rising costs of housing, food, transportation, education and other basic social necessities that are rendering life intolerable for the majority of the population.
Fueling the mass anger behind these protests is Israel’s ever-increasing social inequality that has handed huge profits to a handful of billionaire “tycoons,” even as millions face social deprivation. It is widely recognized that the policies of the right-wing regime of Benyamin Netanyahu are dictated by the interests and demands of a tiny plutocracy.
The sheer scale of the protests Saturday—encompassing 5.5 percent of Israel’s population of 7.75 million, the equivalent of 18 million people protesting in the US—underscores the movement’s profound historical significance.
More than six decades after the founding of the Israeli state, following continuous wars against neighboring Arab countries and more than 44 years of occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the demonstrations have served to undermine a central Zionist myth. They have exposed the fact that in Israel, as in every other country, it is the class question that is fundamental, not nationality, race, religion or ethnicity.
Moreover, Jewish workers in Israel are responding to the same historic crisis of global capitalism that produced the mass revolts that have swept the Middle East, toppling the Western-backed dictatorships of Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt. Many of the protesters who pitched tents on Tel Aviv’s Rothschild Boulevard and took to the streets of other towns and cities compared themselves to the Egyptian masses who occupied Tahrir Square.
This involves the embryonic consciousness that workers in Israel, just like in Egypt, are entering into a struggle that is international in its scope and that cannot be resolved within the confines of the national borders dividing the Middle East.
However, those in the leadership of these protests along with the Zionist union federation, Histadrut, which has backed them, and the various pseudo-left organizations that follow in its wake are determined to divert this movement back into the safe channels of Israel’s existing political setup.
This has been the significance from the outset of the insistence of the protests’ organizers on “no politics.” It had the same significance as similar proscriptions offered by the organizers of protests by Spain’s indignados: reinforcing the domination of the existing politics of the parties of the ruling elite and their servants in the union bureaucracy.
The leaders of the protest, together with the bureaucracy of Histadrut, have explicitly rejected any struggle to bring down the Netanyahu government. Instead, they have indicated their willingness to negotiate with this government, the most right-wing in Israel’s history, which has formed a committee for the purpose of presenting some cosmetic “reforms” based on moving around spending within the exiting Israeli budget, while leaving untouched the existing system of capitalist exploitation and social inequality.
In Israel, of course, the proscription of politics has additional and even more fatal implications. It excludes from a struggle waged in the name of equality and social justice the deep social oppression arising from the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza; the fate of the millions of Palestinian refugees driven from their land; and the unequal status of Israel’s Arabs, 20 percent of the population, under a state that defines itself as Jewish.
It also leaves this movement defenseless in the face of the Netanyahu government’s invocation of alleged threats to Israel and appeals for Zionist unity to stifle social unrest. Netanyahu even exploited the protests over housing prices as the pretext to push ahead with more Zionist settlements around occupied East Jerusalem.
Finally, it prevents any real challenge to the vast diversion of social wealth into maintaining Israel’s massive military complex, which serves to intimidate the Palestinian people and all the countries of the Middle East.
In the wake of the fatal ambushes near the Sinai border last month, the following weekend’s protests were called off by the organizers. And it appears that the huge demonstrations last Saturday will not be repeated.
The decision to wind up this movement in September is hardly an accident. It coincides with a steady drumbeat of warnings from the Netanyahu government that the attempt this month by the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority to secure recognition from the United Nations of Palestinian statehood will be accompanied by widespread violence.
As Israel’s reactionary foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, put it recently, “The Palestinian Authority is planning a bloodbath.”
In reality, it is the Israeli military apparatus that is preparing for a bloodbath and a new round of war. There is no evidence that Palestinian workers and youth see the bourgeois Palestinian leadership’s maneuvers at the UN as of vital import. This UN resolution will do no more to better their conditions than all the ones that have preceded it. And even if the UN were to grant statehood—which it will not—a national entity created on the irrational and economically unviable borders left by the carve-up of Palestine would resolve none of the social and democratic demands of the Palestinian people.
The Israeli regime makes such threats because it fears above all the undermining of the ideological basis of its rule, and an explosion of the class struggle throughout the Middle East. To forestall the threat of a unified struggle of the Jewish and Arab working class against imperialism, it is willing to take the most desperate and reckless measures, including war—a situation that highlights the deep political significance of a struggle to unify the workers of the Middle East.
The mass protests in Israel have shown that there exists the objective basis in the Israeli working class for such a policy. However, carrying forward these struggles against the ruling class’s policy of social reaction and war requires elaborating a new political program and forging new mass organizations of the working class on the perspective of socialist internationalism. This means building sections of the International Committee of the Fourth International in Israel and Palestine, in Egypt, Tunisia and throughout the region, committed to a common fight a Socialist Federation of the Middle East.
terça-feira, 6 de setembro de 2011
Infames imágenes: SOLDADOS DE ISRAEL DETIENEN A NIÑOS PALESTINOS POR JUGAR CON ARMAS DE JUGUETE
30 Agosto 2011, Cuba Debate http://www.cubadebate.cu (Cuba)
URL del artículo : http://www.cubadebate.cu/fotorreportajes/2011/08/30/infames-imagenes-soldados-de-israel-detienen-a-ninos-palestinos-por-jugar-con-armas-de-juguete/
Soldados israelíes vigilan hoy en Hebrón a diversos niños palestinos que fueron arrestados en el primer día del Eid al-Fitr en Hebron, Cisjordania, por jugar con sus armas de juguete en Hebron – EFE/ABED AL HASHLAMOUN
Por Ilan Pappé
En memoria de Juliano Mer-Khamis
Las imágenes hablan por si solas. Desde 1967 Israel ha detenido a 700.000 palestinos, un 20% de la población de los territorios ocupados aquel año. Muchos son menores de edad que sufren torturas en el Campamento Offer y son condenados sin juicio
Aparecen en mitad de la noche cuando los niños están profundamente dormidos, tal vez soñando con una vida mejor. Con los ojos tapados, amordazados, esposados, los menores son llevados a los camiones y esa misma mañana apriscados en el Campamento Offer, departamento número 2 del Juzgado Militar, también conocido como Departamento Infantil. Durante ese día -y todos los demás- tendrán que permanecer sentados en una especie de clase donde no hay profesores y tampoco padres, pero sí jueces, fiscales y muchos guardias. Tienen entre 10 y 13 años los mayores y están acusados de tirar piedras a las fuerzas armadas israelíes, probablemente denunciados por sus propios compañeros de clase. Serán brutalmente interrogados: golpes en la cara y el abdomen, privación de sueño, pinchazos de aguja en manos, piernas y pies, amenazas de violencia sexual y, en algunos casos, electrochoques. Suelen confesar enseguida, están aterrorizados, pero solo cuando aceptan convertirse en colaboradores les sueltan, si es que les sueltan.
Ofra Ben-Zevi, una de las pocas y valientes mujeres israelíes que trabaja sin descanso por el despertar nacional e internacional de las conciencias dormidas, dice que a esta política criminal y odiosa hay que llamarla la cacería del niño.
Resulta fácil olvidarse de Palestina cuando Damasco, El Cairo y Saná están en plena ebullición. El ruido de los disparos contra los manifestantes, el espectáculo de los dictadores sentados en el banquillo, la genuina necesidad de los ciudadanos árabes de encontrar su propia vía hacia la democracia ocupan los titulares de prensa.
La destrucción de Palestina es mucho más lenta, y su tragedia invisible para el mundo exterior, pero es también mucho más antigua que todas estas revoluciones y me temo que seguirá todavía ahí mucho después de que cualquiera de ellas llegue a dar fruto en alguna nueva y esperanzadora realidad. Y puesto que Palestina no forma parte de esta positiva transformación, esto afectará al éxito de su supervivencia.
Esta es una herida que no sanará fácilmente. ¿Por qué? Porque, después de años de cacería diaria, miles de niños palestinos han terminado por convertirse en una generación de tenaces resistentes, una generación que no sucumbirá jamás ante la presión de Israel aunque sus líderes sí lo hagan. Ellos nunca fueron tratados como niños por Israel, sino como criminales (al contrario de lo que sucede dentro de Israel, donde los delitos menores de los más jóvenes son borrados de los archivos o prescriben, algo que no ocurre en ningún caso con los jóvenes de la Palestina ocupada, lo que facilita a la policía israelí la posibilidad de utilizar como colaborador en cualquier momento a cualquiera de ellos.
Según la ONG Adamer, desde que Israel sobrepasó las fronteras que le fueron adjudicadas antes de 1967, ocupando Gaza, Cisjordania y Jerusalén Este, han sido detenidos aproximadamente unos 700.000 palestinos, es decir el 20% de la población total de estos territorios. Según esta misma fuente, siguen en sus cárceles más de 5.600 y por eso los abusos que aquí relatamos constituyen solo un pequeño ejemplo de una realidad acumulativa, una escena de una película que todavía no se estrenó y que probablemente no se estrene nunca.
Artículos Relacionados
• Palestina y el cisne negro del sionismo (31-08-11)
• Palestina en las Naciones Unidas (sic, ONU) (24-08-11)
• Trabajadores de ONGs abandonan Gaza ante posible operación militar de Israel (21-08-11)
• Senadores del lobby anticubano en EEUU piden a gobiernos latinoamericanos oponerse a Estado palestino (19-08-11)
• Israel mandó a prisión a 800 menores palestinos solo por lanzar piedras (18-07-11)
URL del artículo : http://www.cubadebate.cu/fotorreportajes/2011/08/30/infames-imagenes-soldados-de-israel-detienen-a-ninos-palestinos-por-jugar-con-armas-de-juguete/
Por Ilan Pappé
En memoria de Juliano Mer-Khamis
Las imágenes hablan por si solas. Desde 1967 Israel ha detenido a 700.000 palestinos, un 20% de la población de los territorios ocupados aquel año. Muchos son menores de edad que sufren torturas en el Campamento Offer y son condenados sin juicio
Aparecen en mitad de la noche cuando los niños están profundamente dormidos, tal vez soñando con una vida mejor. Con los ojos tapados, amordazados, esposados, los menores son llevados a los camiones y esa misma mañana apriscados en el Campamento Offer, departamento número 2 del Juzgado Militar, también conocido como Departamento Infantil. Durante ese día -y todos los demás- tendrán que permanecer sentados en una especie de clase donde no hay profesores y tampoco padres, pero sí jueces, fiscales y muchos guardias. Tienen entre 10 y 13 años los mayores y están acusados de tirar piedras a las fuerzas armadas israelíes, probablemente denunciados por sus propios compañeros de clase. Serán brutalmente interrogados: golpes en la cara y el abdomen, privación de sueño, pinchazos de aguja en manos, piernas y pies, amenazas de violencia sexual y, en algunos casos, electrochoques. Suelen confesar enseguida, están aterrorizados, pero solo cuando aceptan convertirse en colaboradores les sueltan, si es que les sueltan.
Ofra Ben-Zevi, una de las pocas y valientes mujeres israelíes que trabaja sin descanso por el despertar nacional e internacional de las conciencias dormidas, dice que a esta política criminal y odiosa hay que llamarla la cacería del niño.
Resulta fácil olvidarse de Palestina cuando Damasco, El Cairo y Saná están en plena ebullición. El ruido de los disparos contra los manifestantes, el espectáculo de los dictadores sentados en el banquillo, la genuina necesidad de los ciudadanos árabes de encontrar su propia vía hacia la democracia ocupan los titulares de prensa.
La destrucción de Palestina es mucho más lenta, y su tragedia invisible para el mundo exterior, pero es también mucho más antigua que todas estas revoluciones y me temo que seguirá todavía ahí mucho después de que cualquiera de ellas llegue a dar fruto en alguna nueva y esperanzadora realidad. Y puesto que Palestina no forma parte de esta positiva transformación, esto afectará al éxito de su supervivencia.
Esta es una herida que no sanará fácilmente. ¿Por qué? Porque, después de años de cacería diaria, miles de niños palestinos han terminado por convertirse en una generación de tenaces resistentes, una generación que no sucumbirá jamás ante la presión de Israel aunque sus líderes sí lo hagan. Ellos nunca fueron tratados como niños por Israel, sino como criminales (al contrario de lo que sucede dentro de Israel, donde los delitos menores de los más jóvenes son borrados de los archivos o prescriben, algo que no ocurre en ningún caso con los jóvenes de la Palestina ocupada, lo que facilita a la policía israelí la posibilidad de utilizar como colaborador en cualquier momento a cualquiera de ellos.
Según la ONG Adamer, desde que Israel sobrepasó las fronteras que le fueron adjudicadas antes de 1967, ocupando Gaza, Cisjordania y Jerusalén Este, han sido detenidos aproximadamente unos 700.000 palestinos, es decir el 20% de la población total de estos territorios. Según esta misma fuente, siguen en sus cárceles más de 5.600 y por eso los abusos que aquí relatamos constituyen solo un pequeño ejemplo de una realidad acumulativa, una escena de una película que todavía no se estrenó y que probablemente no se estrene nunca.
Artículos Relacionados
• Palestina y el cisne negro del sionismo (31-08-11)
• Palestina en las Naciones Unidas (sic, ONU) (24-08-11)
• Trabajadores de ONGs abandonan Gaza ante posible operación militar de Israel (21-08-11)
• Senadores del lobby anticubano en EEUU piden a gobiernos latinoamericanos oponerse a Estado palestino (19-08-11)
• Israel mandó a prisión a 800 menores palestinos solo por lanzar piedras (18-07-11)
EL INFORME PALMER/URIBE ENCUBRE LOS CRÍMENES DE ISRAEL
4 Septiembre2011, Rumbo a Gaza http://www.rumboagaza.org (España)
Por desgracia, el Informe Palmer/Uribe sobre el incidente de la Flotilla el 31 de mayo de 2010, filtrado al The New York Times el 1 de septiembre, es un esperado lavado de cara de los crímenes de Israel.
A pesar de que culpa a las fuerzas israelíes por el uso excesivo de la fuerza cuando asaltaron nuestros buques civiles con destino a Gaza, erróneamente justifica el bloqueo israelí de Gaza, arroja dudas sobre las intenciones de los organizadores de la flotilla, y no busca la responsabilidad de los autores de violaciones de los derechos humanos.
El panel Palmer/Uribe estaba viciado desde su inicio. El nombramiento del ex-presidente colombiano Alvaro Uribe como el vicepresidente del Grupo Especial arroja serias dudas sobre la integridad e imparcialidad del propio grupo. La íntima asociación de Uribe con las prácticas militares y paramilitares para asesinar civiles en Colombia y el desprecio notorio hacia los defensores de los derechos humanos hace que su nombramiento en el Grupo sea problemático. Por otra parte, el gobierno de Uribe está en el registro de los que abogan una mayor cooperación militar con Israel [1].
Además de los problemas en la composición del Grupo Especial, su conclusión no ha sido llegar a la verdad de lo sucedido o buscar justicia para las víctimas, si no el llegar a un compromiso político con el fin de reparar las relaciones entre Israel y Turquía. El mandato del Grupo Especial se limita a examinar los informes de las investigaciones nacionales de Turquía e Israel, y no a entrevistar a los testigos o a llevar una objetiva y profunda investigación. Este es un intento político de eclipsar la única investigación del informe independiente e imparcial sobre el ataque a la flotilla flotilla, el cual fue encargado por el Consejo de Derechos Humanos (A/HRC/15/21) y llevada a cabo por tres expertos sobre los derechos humanos de renombre internacional. Las conclusiones y recomendaciones de este informe, publicado el 23 de septiembre 2010, aún no se han debatido en las Naciones Unidas.
Uno de los hallazgos más indignantes de este Grupo Especial es que Israel tenía derecho a imponer el bloqueo naval de Gaza como una “legítima medida de seguridad.”
Este hallazgo ignora completamente el hecho de que el bloqueo naval forma parte de un fuerte régimen que numerosos organismos de derechos humanos, incluyendo varias agencias de la Naciones Unidas, han declarado ilegal. Además, ignora la evidencia incontrovertible de que el bloqueo naval y el cierre total no va dirigido a la seguridad, sino más bien de ejercer presión sobre la población de Gaza. Los dirigentes israelíes han señalando que el propósito del bloqueo es una guerra económica -para mantener la economía de Gaza al borde del colapso con el fin de presionar a la población civil a rebelarse contra el gobierno de Hamas [2].
Utilizar a civiles como forma de presionar a un gobierno viola el derecho internacional humanitario, que prohíbe dañar a civiles intencionalmente, y constituye un castigo colectivo, prohibido por la Cuarta Convención de Ginebra.
El informe de Palmer/Uribe erróneamente identifica a IHH como el “grupo de líderes involucrados en la planificación de la flotilla”, nos acusa (a los organizadores de la Flotilla de la Libertad) de actuar imprudentemente, y pone en duda el carácter humanitario de nuestra acción (páginas 46-48) . Seis organizaciones no gubernamentales, organizaciones internacionales de la sociedad civil, todas teniendo el mismo peso y responsabilidad, organizaron la Flotilla de la Libertad I. Nuestra acción fue una forma legítima de acción directa no violenta. Rechazamos la posición del Panel de que los soldados israelíes se enfrentaron a “una violencia organizada.” A lo que los comandos fuertemente armados se enfrentron, mientras trataban de tomar por la fuerza el Mavi Marmara en alta mar, eran actos legítimos de autodefensa no armada por parte de un puñado de pasajeros, actuando en contra de una agresión injustificada.
A pesar de que nuestros buques llevaban 10.000 toneladas de carga, muy necesaria para el pueblo de Gaza, nosotros hemos manifestado reiteradamente que nuestro objetivo es romper el bloqueo ilegal de Gaza y no simplemente entregar dicha ayuda. La crisis humanitaria que existe en Gaza es el resultado de una política deliberada, ilegal e inmoral. Desafiar esa política buscando poner fin a la causa del sufrimiento de la gente es humanitario.
Aunque el informe correctamente penaliza a Israel por usar una fuerza excesiva contra civiles desarmados, no exige la rendición de cuentas. El informe señala que Israel no ha sido responsable de lo que las pruebas forenses muestran: a la mayoría de los nueve voluntarios muertos les dispararon varias veces, incluso en la espalda, o de cerca, o de los constantes abusos sufridos por otros voluntarios en las manos de las fuerzas israelíes. La recomendación del informe para que Israel simplemente exprese su pesar por el incidente es un insulto a las víctimas y sus familias, y atenta gravemente contra los derechos humanos y ley humanitaria.
Por último, el informe no aborda el tema de que las restantes cuatro naves de la Flotilla de la Libertad I estén todavía bajo captura en Israel, como también la negativa a devolver a los pasajeros el valor de más de un millón de dólares en dinero y equipos, incluyendo cámaras y videos de probado valor.
Damos la bienvenida a la decisión de Turquía de reducir las relaciones con Israel, la expulsión del embajador israelí y la cancelación de los vínculos militares, así como su declaración de que tomará medidas legales contra los israelíes responsables del ataque a la flotilla. Tales sanciones son necesarias para poner fin a la impunidad con que Israel ha estado violando los derechos humanos palestinos y el Derecho internacional.
Coalición Internacional de la Flotilla de la Libertad
[1] Véase “Colombia busca ampliar los vínculos de Israel“, 28 de abril 2010, Jerusalem Post.
[2] Véase por ejemplo, “Wikileaks: Israel pretende mantener la economía de Gaza está al borde del colapso“, de 5 de enero 2011, Haaretz, al informar sobre un cable de la Embajada de EE.UU. en Tel Aviv diciendo que los oficiales oficialidad israelíes desean que la economía de Gaza “funcione en el nivel más bajo posible pero tratando de evitar una crisis humanitaria”.
Por desgracia, el Informe Palmer/Uribe sobre el incidente de la Flotilla el 31 de mayo de 2010, filtrado al The New York Times el 1 de septiembre, es un esperado lavado de cara de los crímenes de Israel.
A pesar de que culpa a las fuerzas israelíes por el uso excesivo de la fuerza cuando asaltaron nuestros buques civiles con destino a Gaza, erróneamente justifica el bloqueo israelí de Gaza, arroja dudas sobre las intenciones de los organizadores de la flotilla, y no busca la responsabilidad de los autores de violaciones de los derechos humanos.
El panel Palmer/Uribe estaba viciado desde su inicio. El nombramiento del ex-presidente colombiano Alvaro Uribe como el vicepresidente del Grupo Especial arroja serias dudas sobre la integridad e imparcialidad del propio grupo. La íntima asociación de Uribe con las prácticas militares y paramilitares para asesinar civiles en Colombia y el desprecio notorio hacia los defensores de los derechos humanos hace que su nombramiento en el Grupo sea problemático. Por otra parte, el gobierno de Uribe está en el registro de los que abogan una mayor cooperación militar con Israel [1].
Además de los problemas en la composición del Grupo Especial, su conclusión no ha sido llegar a la verdad de lo sucedido o buscar justicia para las víctimas, si no el llegar a un compromiso político con el fin de reparar las relaciones entre Israel y Turquía. El mandato del Grupo Especial se limita a examinar los informes de las investigaciones nacionales de Turquía e Israel, y no a entrevistar a los testigos o a llevar una objetiva y profunda investigación. Este es un intento político de eclipsar la única investigación del informe independiente e imparcial sobre el ataque a la flotilla flotilla, el cual fue encargado por el Consejo de Derechos Humanos (A/HRC/15/21) y llevada a cabo por tres expertos sobre los derechos humanos de renombre internacional. Las conclusiones y recomendaciones de este informe, publicado el 23 de septiembre 2010, aún no se han debatido en las Naciones Unidas.
Uno de los hallazgos más indignantes de este Grupo Especial es que Israel tenía derecho a imponer el bloqueo naval de Gaza como una “legítima medida de seguridad.”
Este hallazgo ignora completamente el hecho de que el bloqueo naval forma parte de un fuerte régimen que numerosos organismos de derechos humanos, incluyendo varias agencias de la Naciones Unidas, han declarado ilegal. Además, ignora la evidencia incontrovertible de que el bloqueo naval y el cierre total no va dirigido a la seguridad, sino más bien de ejercer presión sobre la población de Gaza. Los dirigentes israelíes han señalando que el propósito del bloqueo es una guerra económica -para mantener la economía de Gaza al borde del colapso con el fin de presionar a la población civil a rebelarse contra el gobierno de Hamas [2].
Utilizar a civiles como forma de presionar a un gobierno viola el derecho internacional humanitario, que prohíbe dañar a civiles intencionalmente, y constituye un castigo colectivo, prohibido por la Cuarta Convención de Ginebra.
El informe de Palmer/Uribe erróneamente identifica a IHH como el “grupo de líderes involucrados en la planificación de la flotilla”, nos acusa (a los organizadores de la Flotilla de la Libertad) de actuar imprudentemente, y pone en duda el carácter humanitario de nuestra acción (páginas 46-48) . Seis organizaciones no gubernamentales, organizaciones internacionales de la sociedad civil, todas teniendo el mismo peso y responsabilidad, organizaron la Flotilla de la Libertad I. Nuestra acción fue una forma legítima de acción directa no violenta. Rechazamos la posición del Panel de que los soldados israelíes se enfrentaron a “una violencia organizada.” A lo que los comandos fuertemente armados se enfrentron, mientras trataban de tomar por la fuerza el Mavi Marmara en alta mar, eran actos legítimos de autodefensa no armada por parte de un puñado de pasajeros, actuando en contra de una agresión injustificada.
A pesar de que nuestros buques llevaban 10.000 toneladas de carga, muy necesaria para el pueblo de Gaza, nosotros hemos manifestado reiteradamente que nuestro objetivo es romper el bloqueo ilegal de Gaza y no simplemente entregar dicha ayuda. La crisis humanitaria que existe en Gaza es el resultado de una política deliberada, ilegal e inmoral. Desafiar esa política buscando poner fin a la causa del sufrimiento de la gente es humanitario.
Aunque el informe correctamente penaliza a Israel por usar una fuerza excesiva contra civiles desarmados, no exige la rendición de cuentas. El informe señala que Israel no ha sido responsable de lo que las pruebas forenses muestran: a la mayoría de los nueve voluntarios muertos les dispararon varias veces, incluso en la espalda, o de cerca, o de los constantes abusos sufridos por otros voluntarios en las manos de las fuerzas israelíes. La recomendación del informe para que Israel simplemente exprese su pesar por el incidente es un insulto a las víctimas y sus familias, y atenta gravemente contra los derechos humanos y ley humanitaria.
Por último, el informe no aborda el tema de que las restantes cuatro naves de la Flotilla de la Libertad I estén todavía bajo captura en Israel, como también la negativa a devolver a los pasajeros el valor de más de un millón de dólares en dinero y equipos, incluyendo cámaras y videos de probado valor.
Damos la bienvenida a la decisión de Turquía de reducir las relaciones con Israel, la expulsión del embajador israelí y la cancelación de los vínculos militares, así como su declaración de que tomará medidas legales contra los israelíes responsables del ataque a la flotilla. Tales sanciones son necesarias para poner fin a la impunidad con que Israel ha estado violando los derechos humanos palestinos y el Derecho internacional.
Coalición Internacional de la Flotilla de la Libertad
[1] Véase “Colombia busca ampliar los vínculos de Israel“, 28 de abril 2010, Jerusalem Post.
[2] Véase por ejemplo, “Wikileaks: Israel pretende mantener la economía de Gaza está al borde del colapso“, de 5 de enero 2011, Haaretz, al informar sobre un cable de la Embajada de EE.UU. en Tel Aviv diciendo que los oficiales oficialidad israelíes desean que la economía de Gaza “funcione en el nivel más bajo posible pero tratando de evitar una crisis humanitaria”.
Rapport Palmer : L’ONU DOIT DIRE LE DROIT ET NON LE PIETINER
3 septembre 2011, Association France Palestine Solidarité (AFPS) http://www.france-palestine.org (France)
AFPS
Le rapport de l’ONU [1] relatif aux événements tragiques, survenus le 31 mai 2010, lors de la première « Flottille de la paix », considère que « le blocus de Gaza est légal » et que la réaction armée meurtrière israélienne dans les eaux internationales faisant 9 morts a été simplement « excessive ».
Ce rapport constitue donc une sérieuse régression relativement au droit international édicté par l’ONU sur ce sujet : il n’est acceptable ni dans la forme ni sur le fond.
Le blocus de Gaza, mis en place unilatéralement par les dirigeants israéliens sans le moindre accord de l’ONU, constitue une violation flagrante et évidente des Conventions de Genève, en ce qu’il constitue une « punition collective » de tous les Palestiniens de Gaza, comme l’avait déclaré le Haut Commissariat aux Droits de l’Homme des Nations unies en août 2009. Il est donc bel et bien illégal, selon précisément le droit international.
Par ailleurs qualifier d’« excessive » la réaction israélienne aboutissant à causer la mort de 9 civils innocents à bord d’un bateau turc se trouvant dans les eaux internationales constitue un déni du droit international : selon ce dernier, il s’agit tout simplement d’un « crime de guerre ». D’ailleurs, la résolution 1860 du Conseil de sécurité n’assurait-elle pas clairement accueillir « favorablement les initiatives » visant à alléger ce blocus.
Israël a évidemment salué immédiatement le contenu et les auteurs de ce rapport sur la Flottille contrairement au rapport Goldstone que les autorités de ce pays ont refusé et auquel la communauté internationale n’a donné aucune suite.
Ce rapport, rappelons-le, accusait Israël – et l’accuse toujours – de « crimes de guerre, voire de crimes contre l’humanité » perpétrés lors de la guerre de Gaza, dite « Plomb durci », qui a fait 1.400 morts parmi la population gazaouie. Quand le droit international est violé, Israël crie victoire. Quand il est précisé, Israël le refuse sèchement.
Il est temps que les Nations unies disent le chemin de la paix, spécialement au Proche-Orient, et n’encouragent pas, au contraire, ceux qui la refusent jour après jour et qui devraient être sanctionnés. On n’instaurera pas la stabilité internationale et la paix au Proche-Orient sur la mise en miettes du droit international, mais au contraire en affirmant ce dernier contre vents et marées et a fortiori en l’appliquant. De ce point de vue, l’adhésion pleine et entière de l’Etat de Palestine à l’ONU s’inscrit pleinement dans cette démarche qui, à l’inverse du rapport Palmer, légitimera l’organisation internationale.
Le bureau national, le 3 septembre 2011
Communiqué
[1] Deux des 4 rédacteurs se sont opposés à ce rapport tandis qu’un troisième n’est autre que l’ancien président de Colombie, M. Uribe, qui a été imposé par les israéliens qui n’avaient accepté la commission qu’à cette condition
AFPS
Le rapport de l’ONU [1] relatif aux événements tragiques, survenus le 31 mai 2010, lors de la première « Flottille de la paix », considère que « le blocus de Gaza est légal » et que la réaction armée meurtrière israélienne dans les eaux internationales faisant 9 morts a été simplement « excessive ».
Ce rapport constitue donc une sérieuse régression relativement au droit international édicté par l’ONU sur ce sujet : il n’est acceptable ni dans la forme ni sur le fond.
Le blocus de Gaza, mis en place unilatéralement par les dirigeants israéliens sans le moindre accord de l’ONU, constitue une violation flagrante et évidente des Conventions de Genève, en ce qu’il constitue une « punition collective » de tous les Palestiniens de Gaza, comme l’avait déclaré le Haut Commissariat aux Droits de l’Homme des Nations unies en août 2009. Il est donc bel et bien illégal, selon précisément le droit international.
Par ailleurs qualifier d’« excessive » la réaction israélienne aboutissant à causer la mort de 9 civils innocents à bord d’un bateau turc se trouvant dans les eaux internationales constitue un déni du droit international : selon ce dernier, il s’agit tout simplement d’un « crime de guerre ». D’ailleurs, la résolution 1860 du Conseil de sécurité n’assurait-elle pas clairement accueillir « favorablement les initiatives » visant à alléger ce blocus.
Israël a évidemment salué immédiatement le contenu et les auteurs de ce rapport sur la Flottille contrairement au rapport Goldstone que les autorités de ce pays ont refusé et auquel la communauté internationale n’a donné aucune suite.
Ce rapport, rappelons-le, accusait Israël – et l’accuse toujours – de « crimes de guerre, voire de crimes contre l’humanité » perpétrés lors de la guerre de Gaza, dite « Plomb durci », qui a fait 1.400 morts parmi la population gazaouie. Quand le droit international est violé, Israël crie victoire. Quand il est précisé, Israël le refuse sèchement.
Il est temps que les Nations unies disent le chemin de la paix, spécialement au Proche-Orient, et n’encouragent pas, au contraire, ceux qui la refusent jour après jour et qui devraient être sanctionnés. On n’instaurera pas la stabilité internationale et la paix au Proche-Orient sur la mise en miettes du droit international, mais au contraire en affirmant ce dernier contre vents et marées et a fortiori en l’appliquant. De ce point de vue, l’adhésion pleine et entière de l’Etat de Palestine à l’ONU s’inscrit pleinement dans cette démarche qui, à l’inverse du rapport Palmer, légitimera l’organisation internationale.
Le bureau national, le 3 septembre 2011
Communiqué
[1] Deux des 4 rédacteurs se sont opposés à ce rapport tandis qu’un troisième n’est autre que l’ancien président de Colombie, M. Uribe, qui a été imposé par les israéliens qui n’avaient accepté la commission qu’à cette condition
THE STORY OF FAILURE IN TURKISH-ISRAELI DIPLOMACY
3 September 2011, Journal of Turkish Weekly (JTW) http://www.turkishweekly.net (Turkey)
By Murat Yetkin
I was talking on the phone with a high-ranking Turkish official as CNN Türk’s breaking-news story started to present the Israeli government’s reaction to the Turkish government’s ultimatum regarding the Mavi Marmara flotilla affair. According to the news, the Israeli government was sorry that its soldiers killed nine Turks who were among the members of a group carrying aid to Palestinians in Gaza under Israeli blockade in May 2010, but would not apologize. The Israeli government also told Turkey to be more respectful of international maritime law.
“They can go to hell,” groaned the Turkish official’s voice on the phone. “They will see what respecting international maritime law means when our Navy sails into the international waters of the Mediterranean if they do not apologize by Wednesday [Sept. 7].”
Turkish-Israeli cooperation broke down in 2009 when Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Israeli President Shimon Peres had their “one minute” row over Israeli operations against Palestinians that were causing the death of civilians in Gaza. Tensions were then raised with the flotilla incident.
With the efforts of the United States, the United Nations set up a commission nine months ago to look into the affair.
During this period, four secret talks (in six sessions – starting in Brussels, then in Bucharest, Geneva, New York, Rome and New York again) were carried out between top Turkish and Israeli officials to find common ground because Turkey was saying two main things: 1) An open apology and compensation to the victims’ families was needed for the normalization of relations, and 2) Israel should stop bullying in the eastern Mediterranean as if it were the dominating power there.
Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu said yesterday – as he was announcing the ultimatum, including the downgrading of diplomatic relations, the freezing of military agreements and the challenging of Israel in international courts and in the international waters of the Mediterranean – that the two countries had come to terms four times in this nine-month period.
At one time in Geneva in December 2010, following the Turkish gesture to send firefighting planes when an awful forest fire broke out in Israel, the diplomats met in Geneva and had the full support of Erdoğan and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on the phone. But the agreement never came to life as Netanyahu failed to overcome the resistance of his fringe right-wing coalition partner and foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, in the Cabinet meeting.
In the meantime, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and the Israeli Army said in public that they supported an agreement with Ankara at the cost of an apology. They knew that if the report was released and included accusations that civilians had been killed (if the report found that soldiers had fired at the backs of their heads, for instance), however, that that would have international legal consequences for the Israeli soldiers.
But they could not weaken the nationalist resistance within the Israeli Cabinet.
Diplomacy between the two countries collapsed last week when Turks accused Israelis of misleading the media that it was the Turks who wanted another six months for the release of the report. Turkey challenged the U.N. and the U.S. for an immediate release. U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton asked for some more time personally from Davutoğlu to convince U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the Israelis.
But the lobby who managed to provide a speech in the U.S. Congress – with the help of the American opposition when President Barack Obama was out of the U.S. for Europe – probably managed to leak the report to the New York Times to further embarrass Clinton and cause Davutoğlu to explode.
That is the point where we stand now.
By Murat Yetkin
I was talking on the phone with a high-ranking Turkish official as CNN Türk’s breaking-news story started to present the Israeli government’s reaction to the Turkish government’s ultimatum regarding the Mavi Marmara flotilla affair. According to the news, the Israeli government was sorry that its soldiers killed nine Turks who were among the members of a group carrying aid to Palestinians in Gaza under Israeli blockade in May 2010, but would not apologize. The Israeli government also told Turkey to be more respectful of international maritime law.
“They can go to hell,” groaned the Turkish official’s voice on the phone. “They will see what respecting international maritime law means when our Navy sails into the international waters of the Mediterranean if they do not apologize by Wednesday [Sept. 7].”
Turkish-Israeli cooperation broke down in 2009 when Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Israeli President Shimon Peres had their “one minute” row over Israeli operations against Palestinians that were causing the death of civilians in Gaza. Tensions were then raised with the flotilla incident.
With the efforts of the United States, the United Nations set up a commission nine months ago to look into the affair.
During this period, four secret talks (in six sessions – starting in Brussels, then in Bucharest, Geneva, New York, Rome and New York again) were carried out between top Turkish and Israeli officials to find common ground because Turkey was saying two main things: 1) An open apology and compensation to the victims’ families was needed for the normalization of relations, and 2) Israel should stop bullying in the eastern Mediterranean as if it were the dominating power there.
Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu said yesterday – as he was announcing the ultimatum, including the downgrading of diplomatic relations, the freezing of military agreements and the challenging of Israel in international courts and in the international waters of the Mediterranean – that the two countries had come to terms four times in this nine-month period.
At one time in Geneva in December 2010, following the Turkish gesture to send firefighting planes when an awful forest fire broke out in Israel, the diplomats met in Geneva and had the full support of Erdoğan and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on the phone. But the agreement never came to life as Netanyahu failed to overcome the resistance of his fringe right-wing coalition partner and foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, in the Cabinet meeting.
In the meantime, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and the Israeli Army said in public that they supported an agreement with Ankara at the cost of an apology. They knew that if the report was released and included accusations that civilians had been killed (if the report found that soldiers had fired at the backs of their heads, for instance), however, that that would have international legal consequences for the Israeli soldiers.
But they could not weaken the nationalist resistance within the Israeli Cabinet.
Diplomacy between the two countries collapsed last week when Turks accused Israelis of misleading the media that it was the Turks who wanted another six months for the release of the report. Turkey challenged the U.N. and the U.S. for an immediate release. U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton asked for some more time personally from Davutoğlu to convince U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the Israelis.
But the lobby who managed to provide a speech in the U.S. Congress – with the help of the American opposition when President Barack Obama was out of the U.S. for Europe – probably managed to leak the report to the New York Times to further embarrass Clinton and cause Davutoğlu to explode.
That is the point where we stand now.
"JUSTIÇA SOCIAL TAMBÉM SIGNIFICA ACABAR COM A OCUPAÇÃO", diz historiador
3 Setembro 2011, Carta Maior http://www.cartamaior.com.br (Brasil)
A justiça não é apenas o direito de moradia decente para os judeus, mas também é o direito à liberdade de uma nação sob ocupação. Uma enorme oportunidade para mudar a face da cultura política de Israel e para planejar a sua face futura será perdida se os porta-bandeiras dos manifestantes que estão saindo para as ruas decidirem ignorar essa verdade. O artigo é de Zeev Sternhell.
Zeev Sternhell*
Data: 28/08/2011
Por mais internas que possam ser as enfermidades de Israel, e elas são numerosas demais para contabilizar, a maior parte delas pode ser tratada e até curada; mas a ocupação e o colonialismo são doenças terminais. Portanto, quem quer que se recuse a entender – como o fez Shelly Yachimovich em sua entrevista na revista de fim de semana do Haaretz -, que o socialismo de acadêmicos, e em nome de acadêmicos, é não menos brutal e desprezível que o neoliberalismo dos ricos em nome dos ricos, não é digno de buscar a liderança de um partido que tem pretensões de planejar o futuro.
Na verdade, para se conseguir resultados rápidos na esfera social, é possível dar passos relativamente fáceis – cancelar a redução de tributos para as corporações,aumentar a taxação da alta renda, transferir dinheiro dos assentamentos para o orçamento da área de bem estar social, imediatamente. Se é permitido impor altas taxas sobre um pequeno automóvel, também é permitido arrecadar impostos sobre coberturas luxuosas no litoral de TelAviv, ou sobre um grande iate no meio do oceano.
É razoável supor que também é possível encontrar uma outra maneira de renovar a construção de moradias públicas na forma de apartamentos pequenos e baratos. Por outro lado, a ocupação é uma ameaça existencial – se a sociedade israelense não encontrar um meio de lidar com os assentamentos, ocorrerá o fim do estado judeu.
Ainda hoje, o sionismo, no significado simples e inicial do termo, esvaziou o seu lugar, que foi ocupado pelo nacionalismo radical e brutal, que é parcialmente racista e infiltrado por quem professa tendências antidemocráticas do tipo das que já levaram a imensos desastres na Europa, no século passado.
O sionismo tradicional estava baseado em dois fundamentos básicos. Era um movimento para salvar uma nação inteira da destruição e o direito natural expresso dessa nação se autogovernar. Ambos esses objetivos foram alcançados com o estabelecimento do estado -, que foi um momento especial de benevolência e com o objetivo de pôr um fim ao período de conquista de terra. Foi também o momento em que era para o sionismo absorver os princípios liberais dos direitos humanos e da igualdade civil. O desastre terrível da Guerra dos Seis Dias destruiu esta possibilidade quando tornou israelenses senhores sobre outras nações cujos direitos foram negados. Mas nosso fracasso em lidar com a injustiça implícita na conquista de terras não justifica nossa anuência com isso.
Portanto, o Partido Trabalhista não pode se satisfazer com o papel de grupo em defesa de uma única questão, por mais elevada que esta venha a ser. A vida social e política não é unidimensional; não há sociedade sem política, não há economia sem decisões políticas, e não há vida que valha a pena sem moral. A demanda correta por uma revolução no modo de pensar que levará a uma política social diferente não é desligada da questão maior da liberdade e da democracia, dos direitos humanos e do futuro dos territórios; liberdade, justiça e igualdade não podem ser divididas.
Desde o começo dos movimentos de protesto por moradia que muitas pessoas tem sido interrogadas com estas questões: qual o significado do termo justiça para os jovens manifestantes que tomaram as ruas de Israel? Como é possível conseguir justiça social sem se tomar a justiça como um valor social? Quais os limites da justiça e de sua implementação?
A esse respeito, sempre houve uma grande diferença entre a direita e a esquerda no mundo, e agora também em Israel. A esquerda considera a igualdade um valor universal, uma expressão do direito do ser humano não apenas à liberdade de dormir sob uma ponte, mas também a liberdade de ter uma vida decente. A esquerda – e esta é uma grande diferença entre ela e vários tipos de conservadores – não considera a igualdade um elemento que restringe a liberdade mas, antes, um aspecto diferente do ser humano controlar a sua vida.
Isso nos traz de volta à ocupação. A justiça não é apenas o direito de moradia decente para os judeus, mas também é o direito à liberdade de uma nação sob ocupação. Uma enorme oportunidade para mudar a face da cultura política de Israel e para planejar a sua face futura será perdida se os porta-bandeiras dos manifestantes decidirem ignorar essa verdade.
(*) O autor é historiador e um dos maiores estudiosos da história do fascismo. Foi professor de Ciências Políticas na Universidade de Jerusalém.
Tradução: Katarina Peixoto
A justiça não é apenas o direito de moradia decente para os judeus, mas também é o direito à liberdade de uma nação sob ocupação. Uma enorme oportunidade para mudar a face da cultura política de Israel e para planejar a sua face futura será perdida se os porta-bandeiras dos manifestantes que estão saindo para as ruas decidirem ignorar essa verdade. O artigo é de Zeev Sternhell.
Zeev Sternhell*
Data: 28/08/2011
Por mais internas que possam ser as enfermidades de Israel, e elas são numerosas demais para contabilizar, a maior parte delas pode ser tratada e até curada; mas a ocupação e o colonialismo são doenças terminais. Portanto, quem quer que se recuse a entender – como o fez Shelly Yachimovich em sua entrevista na revista de fim de semana do Haaretz -, que o socialismo de acadêmicos, e em nome de acadêmicos, é não menos brutal e desprezível que o neoliberalismo dos ricos em nome dos ricos, não é digno de buscar a liderança de um partido que tem pretensões de planejar o futuro.
Na verdade, para se conseguir resultados rápidos na esfera social, é possível dar passos relativamente fáceis – cancelar a redução de tributos para as corporações,aumentar a taxação da alta renda, transferir dinheiro dos assentamentos para o orçamento da área de bem estar social, imediatamente. Se é permitido impor altas taxas sobre um pequeno automóvel, também é permitido arrecadar impostos sobre coberturas luxuosas no litoral de TelAviv, ou sobre um grande iate no meio do oceano.
É razoável supor que também é possível encontrar uma outra maneira de renovar a construção de moradias públicas na forma de apartamentos pequenos e baratos. Por outro lado, a ocupação é uma ameaça existencial – se a sociedade israelense não encontrar um meio de lidar com os assentamentos, ocorrerá o fim do estado judeu.
Ainda hoje, o sionismo, no significado simples e inicial do termo, esvaziou o seu lugar, que foi ocupado pelo nacionalismo radical e brutal, que é parcialmente racista e infiltrado por quem professa tendências antidemocráticas do tipo das que já levaram a imensos desastres na Europa, no século passado.
O sionismo tradicional estava baseado em dois fundamentos básicos. Era um movimento para salvar uma nação inteira da destruição e o direito natural expresso dessa nação se autogovernar. Ambos esses objetivos foram alcançados com o estabelecimento do estado -, que foi um momento especial de benevolência e com o objetivo de pôr um fim ao período de conquista de terra. Foi também o momento em que era para o sionismo absorver os princípios liberais dos direitos humanos e da igualdade civil. O desastre terrível da Guerra dos Seis Dias destruiu esta possibilidade quando tornou israelenses senhores sobre outras nações cujos direitos foram negados. Mas nosso fracasso em lidar com a injustiça implícita na conquista de terras não justifica nossa anuência com isso.
Portanto, o Partido Trabalhista não pode se satisfazer com o papel de grupo em defesa de uma única questão, por mais elevada que esta venha a ser. A vida social e política não é unidimensional; não há sociedade sem política, não há economia sem decisões políticas, e não há vida que valha a pena sem moral. A demanda correta por uma revolução no modo de pensar que levará a uma política social diferente não é desligada da questão maior da liberdade e da democracia, dos direitos humanos e do futuro dos territórios; liberdade, justiça e igualdade não podem ser divididas.
Desde o começo dos movimentos de protesto por moradia que muitas pessoas tem sido interrogadas com estas questões: qual o significado do termo justiça para os jovens manifestantes que tomaram as ruas de Israel? Como é possível conseguir justiça social sem se tomar a justiça como um valor social? Quais os limites da justiça e de sua implementação?
A esse respeito, sempre houve uma grande diferença entre a direita e a esquerda no mundo, e agora também em Israel. A esquerda considera a igualdade um valor universal, uma expressão do direito do ser humano não apenas à liberdade de dormir sob uma ponte, mas também a liberdade de ter uma vida decente. A esquerda – e esta é uma grande diferença entre ela e vários tipos de conservadores – não considera a igualdade um elemento que restringe a liberdade mas, antes, um aspecto diferente do ser humano controlar a sua vida.
Isso nos traz de volta à ocupação. A justiça não é apenas o direito de moradia decente para os judeus, mas também é o direito à liberdade de uma nação sob ocupação. Uma enorme oportunidade para mudar a face da cultura política de Israel e para planejar a sua face futura será perdida se os porta-bandeiras dos manifestantes decidirem ignorar essa verdade.
(*) O autor é historiador e um dos maiores estudiosos da história do fascismo. Foi professor de Ciências Políticas na Universidade de Jerusalém.
Tradução: Katarina Peixoto
LE PRIX DE LA COLONISATION
4 septembre 2011, Association France Palestine Solidarité (AFPS) http://www.france-palestine.org (France)
Anne Solesne Tavernier
Les importantes manifestations qui se poursuivent en Israël depuis le 6 août posent implicitement la question de l’occupation des territoires.
Derrière la mobilisation des Indignés israéliens pour protester contre la flambée des prix du logement et du coût de la vie en général, se trouve la question du poids des colonies dans l’économie israélienne.
Depuis près de quarante-quatre ans, l’occupation des territoires palestiniens pèse lourd sur le budget de l’État hébreu. Avec des conséquences directes sur le manque de logements abordables. Le gouvernement israélien donne la priorité aux habitants des colonies, conséquence d’une politique qui favorise l’occupation et la poursuite de la colonisation au détriment de la protection des intérêts de la population d’Israël elle-même. Aujourd’hui, un Israélien sur cinq vit sous le seuil de pauvreté. En cinq ans, les prix du logement ont augmenté de 63 %.
Alors que le gouvernement a récemment donné son feu vert à la construction de nouveaux logements dans les colonies de Cisjordanie, la construction d’habitations en Israël demeure très insuffisante.
Selon le mouvement La Paix maintenant, le gouvernement israélien utiliserait près de 15 % de son budget « construction publique » pour la poursuite de la colonisation en Cisjordanie, bien que cette dernière n’abrite que 4 % des citoyens israéliens.
Israël dépenserait deux fois plus pour un colon que pour n’importe quel autre Israélien. En outre, pour encourager toujours plus de Juifs à s’installer dans les colonies, l’État distribue des subventions pour la construction et l’achat de logements. Les colons bénéficient en masse de services quasi gratuits, de prêts à taux préférentiels, et des nombreux investissements gouvernementaux dans les secteurs de l’éducation ou de l’assurance-maladie… Secteurs pour lesquels les Indignés réclament justement plus de ressources publiques.
Selon La Paix maintenant, si l’on additionne le coût de la construction, de la protection et du maintien des colonies avec celui que représente chaque colon pour l’État israélien, on aboutirait à un total de près d’un milliard de dollars par an. Le coût annuel du maintien du contrôle sur les territoires palestiniens représenterait plus de 700 millions de dollars.
Au total, ce sont 17 milliards de dollars qui seraient passés dans la colonisation des territoires palestiniens depuis le début, en 1967, sans compter les dépenses liées aux ressources militaires déployées pour protéger les colonies.
Dans la proposition pour le budget 2011, le ministère de la Défense prévoit d’allouer la somme de 238,435 millions de shekels (environ 65,757 millions de dollars) à la coordination de différentes activités dans les Territoires occupés, et 790 millions (environ 217,871 millions de dollars) pour la poursuite de la construction et la maintenance du mur de séparation (chiffres La Paix maintenant).
La question du budget de la Défense est également soulevée par les manifestants. Il pèse environ 13 milliards de dollars, soit 7 % du PIB, et représente 20 % du budget de l’État ! Certes, le coût de la colonisation n’est pas directement abordé par les Indignés, par crainte de diviser leur mouvement. Celui-ci réunit Juifs et Arabes israéliens, et veut rester en dehors de la politique et des clivages gauche/droite, ou anti/pro-colonisation.
Ces manifestations permettent toutefois aux Arabes israéliens de faire entendre leurs revendications. Représentant 20 % de la population (1,2 million d’habitants), ils demeurent toujours à la périphérie de la société : 45 % d’entre eux se trouvent sous le seuil de la pauvreté, leur niveau d’éducation est très faible, leur taux de chômage extrêmement élevé.
Ce sont quelques tabous de la société israélienne qui sont peu à peu portés sur la place publique. Aujourd’hui implicitement. Et demain ?
1 septembre
Publié par Politis http://www.politis.fr/Le-prix-de-la...
Anne Solesne Tavernier
Les importantes manifestations qui se poursuivent en Israël depuis le 6 août posent implicitement la question de l’occupation des territoires.
Derrière la mobilisation des Indignés israéliens pour protester contre la flambée des prix du logement et du coût de la vie en général, se trouve la question du poids des colonies dans l’économie israélienne.
Depuis près de quarante-quatre ans, l’occupation des territoires palestiniens pèse lourd sur le budget de l’État hébreu. Avec des conséquences directes sur le manque de logements abordables. Le gouvernement israélien donne la priorité aux habitants des colonies, conséquence d’une politique qui favorise l’occupation et la poursuite de la colonisation au détriment de la protection des intérêts de la population d’Israël elle-même. Aujourd’hui, un Israélien sur cinq vit sous le seuil de pauvreté. En cinq ans, les prix du logement ont augmenté de 63 %.
Alors que le gouvernement a récemment donné son feu vert à la construction de nouveaux logements dans les colonies de Cisjordanie, la construction d’habitations en Israël demeure très insuffisante.
Selon le mouvement La Paix maintenant, le gouvernement israélien utiliserait près de 15 % de son budget « construction publique » pour la poursuite de la colonisation en Cisjordanie, bien que cette dernière n’abrite que 4 % des citoyens israéliens.
Israël dépenserait deux fois plus pour un colon que pour n’importe quel autre Israélien. En outre, pour encourager toujours plus de Juifs à s’installer dans les colonies, l’État distribue des subventions pour la construction et l’achat de logements. Les colons bénéficient en masse de services quasi gratuits, de prêts à taux préférentiels, et des nombreux investissements gouvernementaux dans les secteurs de l’éducation ou de l’assurance-maladie… Secteurs pour lesquels les Indignés réclament justement plus de ressources publiques.
Selon La Paix maintenant, si l’on additionne le coût de la construction, de la protection et du maintien des colonies avec celui que représente chaque colon pour l’État israélien, on aboutirait à un total de près d’un milliard de dollars par an. Le coût annuel du maintien du contrôle sur les territoires palestiniens représenterait plus de 700 millions de dollars.
Au total, ce sont 17 milliards de dollars qui seraient passés dans la colonisation des territoires palestiniens depuis le début, en 1967, sans compter les dépenses liées aux ressources militaires déployées pour protéger les colonies.
Dans la proposition pour le budget 2011, le ministère de la Défense prévoit d’allouer la somme de 238,435 millions de shekels (environ 65,757 millions de dollars) à la coordination de différentes activités dans les Territoires occupés, et 790 millions (environ 217,871 millions de dollars) pour la poursuite de la construction et la maintenance du mur de séparation (chiffres La Paix maintenant).
La question du budget de la Défense est également soulevée par les manifestants. Il pèse environ 13 milliards de dollars, soit 7 % du PIB, et représente 20 % du budget de l’État ! Certes, le coût de la colonisation n’est pas directement abordé par les Indignés, par crainte de diviser leur mouvement. Celui-ci réunit Juifs et Arabes israéliens, et veut rester en dehors de la politique et des clivages gauche/droite, ou anti/pro-colonisation.
Ces manifestations permettent toutefois aux Arabes israéliens de faire entendre leurs revendications. Représentant 20 % de la population (1,2 million d’habitants), ils demeurent toujours à la périphérie de la société : 45 % d’entre eux se trouvent sous le seuil de la pauvreté, leur niveau d’éducation est très faible, leur taux de chômage extrêmement élevé.
Ce sont quelques tabous de la société israélienne qui sont peu à peu portés sur la place publique. Aujourd’hui implicitement. Et demain ?
1 septembre
Publié par Politis http://www.politis.fr/Le-prix-de-la...
IN OCCUPIED WEST BANK, JEWS AND ARABS SEE DIFFERENT SIDES OF JUSTICE
5 September 2011, Haaretz
The Israeli justice system in the occupied territories treats similar crimes committed by Jews and Arabs differently - impunity toward settlers, harsh repercussions for Arabs.
By Amira Hass
1. There is a law in Israel. It is the Dromi Law, named for the farmer Shai Dromi who in January 2007 shot to death Khaled el-Atrash, a Bedouin who broke into his farm in the Negev at night.
In June 2008, a law was passed that “a person will not bear criminal responsibility for an act that was required immediately in order to curb someone who breaks in, or tries to break in, in order to commit a crime.” The district court acquitted Dromi of manslaughter, however he was convicted of having an illegal weapon.
2. There is a judge in Israel. He is Colonel-Lieutenant Netanel Benishu, who is deputy president of the military appeals court in the occupied West Bank. He heard the case of three members of the Bedouin Ka’abneh family, who were arrested on July 19th of this year after Israelis attacked their tent encampment on the lands of the village of Mukhmas east of Ramallah.
No, we did not get this wrong. First the Israelis broke into the encampment and then some of its residents began throwing stones at them. And a clarification – the Bedouins did not use a gun. They also did not kill anyone.
The indictment states that one of the stones they threw hit a policeman in the chest and that an Israeli by the name of Harel Zand from the unauthorized outpost of Mitzpeh Danny was hurt in the leg.
The three Bedouin who were arrested are between the ages of 16 and 20. The military judge, Major Yehuda Lieblein, decided to leave the two older youths in detention and to release the youngest one on NIS 7,500 bail.
The military prosecution appealed the release of the minor. The defense attorney, Naji Amer, appealed the continued detention of the others. Benishu ruled that all three would remain in custody until the end of the proceedings.
3. There is a policeman in Israel’s police force at the Benjamin Station in the occupied West Bank. He is Sgt. Maj. Avi Ben Ami and he was present at the site when the Israelis broke into the encampment. He was in civvies. He said he happened to be on the spot because he had received a report that some of the residents of the settlement were planning to go to the encampment. He arrived and saw that they were arguing with the Ka'abneh family members. He says he immediately identified himself as a policeman.
However, the members of the encampment said they only realized he was not a civilian toward the end of the incident when he put a flashing blue light on his car.
His overt or covert presence did not prevent other settlers from arriving there and, according to his testimony, from shouting and starting to kick cans of milk. Then he also noticed the stone-throwers. He apparently did not see what happened then, according to the tent dwellers account to Haaretz. The Israelis began stoning them (one little girl was injured), threw a baby (wrapped in its blankets) out of a cradle and began overturning sacks of flour and rice
4. Benishu: "If we were dealing with throwing stones at civilians alone", he wrote in his ruling "it is doubtful in my eyes to what extent it would be necessary to instruct that the appellants be in the unique circumstances of the present case. No one would disagree that stone throwing is generally a crime that deserves detention because of the danger involved.”
“And indeed, from the point of view of the danger involved in releasing an accused, there is no resemblance between planned and intentional stone-throwing, and stone throwing that stems from tempers heating up during a fight to which the victim contributed quite a bit…However, the appellant deliberately harmed a policeman who was present at the scene and identified himself”
[Therefore] significant danger to the public is involved (in an act of that kind) … The stone throwing continued even after the settlers left the site … Now is the time to reject the defense attorney’s claims about the supposed discrimination that was created between the matter of the appellants and the matter of the settlers… It must be noted that an investigation has been opened against the settlers and some of them have been interrogated under caution as is required. In view of that, it is possible that action will be taken against them… Second, there is no evidence of stone throwing on the part of the settlers, and while every harmful act against property must be condemned, this cannot be compared with an act of bodily harm.”
5. A beheaded doll now lies on the land where the tent encampment of Ka'abneh once was. On July 25, its inhabitants dismantled it and left. Out of fear. That is what the inhabitants of three other nearby Bedouin encampments did as well. Had the law and order authorities defended us from attacks, they said, we would not have left.
6. Israel has a Torah. Bassam, aged 12, helps support his family by herding his relatives’ sheep in a tent encampment near the village of Jaba. He learned that the Jews’ Torah restricts their movement on the Sabbath and therefore, he thought that Saturday would be a good day to take the sheep a little further out, to the rich pasture at the Mukhmas junction. The Migron outpost overlooks the junction.
7. Thank God for security firms. On August 20, Bassam and a friend went out with the sheep at seven in the morning. It was Ramadan, and hot, and they dozed while the sheep pastured.
At around 12.30, Bassam awoke to the sound of desperate bleating from the flock. He left the cave where he had been resting and saw a group of young Israeli boys (and a few girls) attacking the sheep with stones and iron bars.
Two of the Israelis, he said, attacked him too and beat him on the head with the rods. He was also hit in the back by a stone that someone threw at him. His friend woke up and the two of them fled for their lives in the direction of Shaar Binyamin, a settlers’ services compound.
The police station is there but that is not what they were looking for. They hid and waited for a security guard whom they believe guards a wedding hall.
When he arrived, he called the police, an ambulance and a family member of the boys. He also administered first aid to Bassam whose head was bleeding. In the Ramallah hospital, doctors attended to three deep and long gashes on Bassam’s skull.
8. "Hava Nagilla” - let’s be merry. Bassam’s friend accompanied the soldiers and the policemen who went to look for the young attackers. He saw a group of young people sitting on the ground in a small stone building, clapping their hands and singing. Some of them (including some young women) left when they saw the police and army approaching. Most remained behind and continued singing. The boy saw the police arresting them.
9. At a line-up in the yard of the Beit El army base, Bassam identified three of the youths as those who had assaulted him. As far as we know at this moment, if there are suspects in the attack, they are free.
The Israeli justice system in the occupied territories treats similar crimes committed by Jews and Arabs differently - impunity toward settlers, harsh repercussions for Arabs.
By Amira Hass
1. There is a law in Israel. It is the Dromi Law, named for the farmer Shai Dromi who in January 2007 shot to death Khaled el-Atrash, a Bedouin who broke into his farm in the Negev at night.
In June 2008, a law was passed that “a person will not bear criminal responsibility for an act that was required immediately in order to curb someone who breaks in, or tries to break in, in order to commit a crime.” The district court acquitted Dromi of manslaughter, however he was convicted of having an illegal weapon.
2. There is a judge in Israel. He is Colonel-Lieutenant Netanel Benishu, who is deputy president of the military appeals court in the occupied West Bank. He heard the case of three members of the Bedouin Ka’abneh family, who were arrested on July 19th of this year after Israelis attacked their tent encampment on the lands of the village of Mukhmas east of Ramallah.
No, we did not get this wrong. First the Israelis broke into the encampment and then some of its residents began throwing stones at them. And a clarification – the Bedouins did not use a gun. They also did not kill anyone.
The indictment states that one of the stones they threw hit a policeman in the chest and that an Israeli by the name of Harel Zand from the unauthorized outpost of Mitzpeh Danny was hurt in the leg.
The three Bedouin who were arrested are between the ages of 16 and 20. The military judge, Major Yehuda Lieblein, decided to leave the two older youths in detention and to release the youngest one on NIS 7,500 bail.
The military prosecution appealed the release of the minor. The defense attorney, Naji Amer, appealed the continued detention of the others. Benishu ruled that all three would remain in custody until the end of the proceedings.
3. There is a policeman in Israel’s police force at the Benjamin Station in the occupied West Bank. He is Sgt. Maj. Avi Ben Ami and he was present at the site when the Israelis broke into the encampment. He was in civvies. He said he happened to be on the spot because he had received a report that some of the residents of the settlement were planning to go to the encampment. He arrived and saw that they were arguing with the Ka'abneh family members. He says he immediately identified himself as a policeman.
However, the members of the encampment said they only realized he was not a civilian toward the end of the incident when he put a flashing blue light on his car.
His overt or covert presence did not prevent other settlers from arriving there and, according to his testimony, from shouting and starting to kick cans of milk. Then he also noticed the stone-throwers. He apparently did not see what happened then, according to the tent dwellers account to Haaretz. The Israelis began stoning them (one little girl was injured), threw a baby (wrapped in its blankets) out of a cradle and began overturning sacks of flour and rice
4. Benishu: "If we were dealing with throwing stones at civilians alone", he wrote in his ruling "it is doubtful in my eyes to what extent it would be necessary to instruct that the appellants be in the unique circumstances of the present case. No one would disagree that stone throwing is generally a crime that deserves detention because of the danger involved.”
“And indeed, from the point of view of the danger involved in releasing an accused, there is no resemblance between planned and intentional stone-throwing, and stone throwing that stems from tempers heating up during a fight to which the victim contributed quite a bit…However, the appellant deliberately harmed a policeman who was present at the scene and identified himself”
[Therefore] significant danger to the public is involved (in an act of that kind) … The stone throwing continued even after the settlers left the site … Now is the time to reject the defense attorney’s claims about the supposed discrimination that was created between the matter of the appellants and the matter of the settlers… It must be noted that an investigation has been opened against the settlers and some of them have been interrogated under caution as is required. In view of that, it is possible that action will be taken against them… Second, there is no evidence of stone throwing on the part of the settlers, and while every harmful act against property must be condemned, this cannot be compared with an act of bodily harm.”
5. A beheaded doll now lies on the land where the tent encampment of Ka'abneh once was. On July 25, its inhabitants dismantled it and left. Out of fear. That is what the inhabitants of three other nearby Bedouin encampments did as well. Had the law and order authorities defended us from attacks, they said, we would not have left.
6. Israel has a Torah. Bassam, aged 12, helps support his family by herding his relatives’ sheep in a tent encampment near the village of Jaba. He learned that the Jews’ Torah restricts their movement on the Sabbath and therefore, he thought that Saturday would be a good day to take the sheep a little further out, to the rich pasture at the Mukhmas junction. The Migron outpost overlooks the junction.
7. Thank God for security firms. On August 20, Bassam and a friend went out with the sheep at seven in the morning. It was Ramadan, and hot, and they dozed while the sheep pastured.
At around 12.30, Bassam awoke to the sound of desperate bleating from the flock. He left the cave where he had been resting and saw a group of young Israeli boys (and a few girls) attacking the sheep with stones and iron bars.
Two of the Israelis, he said, attacked him too and beat him on the head with the rods. He was also hit in the back by a stone that someone threw at him. His friend woke up and the two of them fled for their lives in the direction of Shaar Binyamin, a settlers’ services compound.
The police station is there but that is not what they were looking for. They hid and waited for a security guard whom they believe guards a wedding hall.
When he arrived, he called the police, an ambulance and a family member of the boys. He also administered first aid to Bassam whose head was bleeding. In the Ramallah hospital, doctors attended to three deep and long gashes on Bassam’s skull.
8. "Hava Nagilla” - let’s be merry. Bassam’s friend accompanied the soldiers and the policemen who went to look for the young attackers. He saw a group of young people sitting on the ground in a small stone building, clapping their hands and singing. Some of them (including some young women) left when they saw the police and army approaching. Most remained behind and continued singing. The boy saw the police arresting them.
9. At a line-up in the yard of the Beit El army base, Bassam identified three of the youths as those who had assaulted him. As far as we know at this moment, if there are suspects in the attack, they are free.
segunda-feira, 5 de setembro de 2011
HISTORIC DECLARATION BY PALESTINIANS, ISRAELIS IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI SOCIAL PROTEST, ANTI-COLONIAL STRUGGLE
5 September 2011, Alternative Information Center (AIC) המרכז לאינפורמציה אלטרנטיבית
http://www.alternativenews.org (Israel)
Some 20 political parties and social movements from both sides of the Green Line issued an historic declaration in support of the social protests currently rocking Israel and their necessary linkage to the struggle against Israel’s occupation and colonial policies.
Together for putting an end to occupation and racism, in support of the struggle of the Palestinian people to attain their national rights and against national and social oppression.
Even in light of the encouraging developments in the Middle East, the wave of social protests and the awakening of the peoples’ struggles for freedoms and the right to live in dignity, the Palestinian people still live under the yoke of the Israeli occupation, despite their persistent and ongoing struggle for freedom. The international community, for its part, demonstrates its helplessness and does not lend a hand to support the Palestinian struggle for liberation and justice.
The protest movements and the winds of change blowing in the Arab world have aroused excitement throughout the world amongst freedom seekers, encouraging many to adopt the model of popular struggle. These protest movements have had a deep impact on various groups in Israel, amongst both Jews and Palestinians, and made an important contribution to the rise of the popular protest movement within Israel for social justice.
Moved by our aspiration to attain a just and fair peace in the region, a peace that is truly essential for the peoples of the region and can assist in promoting the struggle for justice and progress for everyone, we – Palestinian and Israeli social and political forces, representatives of women’s associations and young people from both sides of the Green Line – emphasise the need for a joint struggle, with the goal of liberating the peoples of the region from colonialism and hegemony, particularly that of Zionism, halting the occupation and Israeli military aggression and supporting the just struggle of the Palestinian people for fulfillment of its right for self-determination in accordance with the decisions of the international community.
We look forward to the liberation of all the region’s peoples from dictatorship, ruling tyranny and from all forms of national, social and economic oppression. Therefore, we the signatories on this document, emphasise:
1. We support the Palestinian September initiative in the United Nations, the body which carries responsibility for laying the foundations of peace internationally, in order to demand full membership for Palestine in the UN and recognition of a Palestinian state in the borders of 4 June 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital, and to strengthen the efforts to end the occupation of the Palestinian people’s lands, with preservation of the right of the Palestinian people to oppose the occupation and the right of return of the refugees in accordance with United Nations Resolution 194. In this context, we emphasise that the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, deriving its legitimacy both from the Palestinian people in the homeland and exile and from the recognition it received from the Arab League and the United Nations.
The UN initiative is a legitimate step. The United Nations must fulfill its responsibility to realize its responsibility to establish peace and justice on the international level. This is a step that strengthens the rights of the Palestinian people and in no way represents a threat to Israel, despite the great efforts of the Israeli government to present this step to the Israeli people as a declaration of war or harming the legitimacy of the existence of Israel.
2. We understand that one of the primary reasons for the social and economic distress of citizens in Israel, in addition to the capitalist economic policies, is the continuation of the occupation and excessive security budgets, which Israel’s government seeks to justify as needed for defending the security of the settlements on the one hand and the state borders on the other. We therefore believe that an end to the occupation and establishment of a fair and just peace are essential for a life of peace and welfare.
We welcome the participation and integration of the Palestinian population in Israel in the social protest. This is an important opportunity to present before various groups within Israeli society the distresses of the Palestinians and the injustices caused to them, so that these groups can take responsibility in the struggle against the marginalizing policies and ongoing discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel, for putting an ending to confiscation of lands and full equality, and an end to the occupation of the Palestinian lands that were occupied in 1967.
We warn again the familiar attempts by the occupation government to evade the crises and its internal crises and the pressure of the protest waves through the politics of fear which point to an external threat: Whether by presenting the Palestinian appeal to the UN as a “danger” or by military actions, as we have witnessed in the past few days in light of the harsh escalation in bloodletting of the Palestinian people in Gaza.
3. We recognize the right of the Palestinian people, living under occupation, to make use of all the legitimate forms of resistance in accordance with international norms for removing of the occupiers from its land and for self determination. In this context, we emphasise the importance of the joint popular struggle of Palestinians and Israelis. A popular joint struggle is one of the central guiding principles in the struggle against the occupation, the settlements, racism, colonialism, against policies of exclusion, weakening, impoverishment, and racist separation within Israel.
September 2011
Signed: Political parties, social organizations and young women and men Palestinian and Israeli activists (in alphabetical order)
Association of Palestinian Democratic Youth (Palestine)
Association of Progressive Students (Palestine)
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Front for Peace and Equality (Israel)
Democratic Teachers’ Union (Palestine)
Democratic Union of Professionals in Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Women’s Movement in Israel (Israel)
Israeli Communist Party (Israel)
National Campaign for Return of the Bodies of Arab and Palestinian Martyrs Captured by the Israeli Government (Palestine)
Palestinian People’s Party (Palestine)
Popular Campaign for the Boycott of Israeli Products (Palestine)
Progressive Workers’ Union (Palestine)
Tarabut-Hithabrut – Arab-Jewish Movement for Social and Political Change (Israel)
The Alternative Information Center (Palestine/Israel)
Union of Palestinian Farmers’ Unions (Palestine)
Union of One World for Justice (Palestine)
Union of Palestinian Working Women (Palestine)
Workers’ Unity Bloc (Palestine)
http://www.alternativenews.org (Israel)
Some 20 political parties and social movements from both sides of the Green Line issued an historic declaration in support of the social protests currently rocking Israel and their necessary linkage to the struggle against Israel’s occupation and colonial policies.
Together for putting an end to occupation and racism, in support of the struggle of the Palestinian people to attain their national rights and against national and social oppression.
Even in light of the encouraging developments in the Middle East, the wave of social protests and the awakening of the peoples’ struggles for freedoms and the right to live in dignity, the Palestinian people still live under the yoke of the Israeli occupation, despite their persistent and ongoing struggle for freedom. The international community, for its part, demonstrates its helplessness and does not lend a hand to support the Palestinian struggle for liberation and justice.
The protest movements and the winds of change blowing in the Arab world have aroused excitement throughout the world amongst freedom seekers, encouraging many to adopt the model of popular struggle. These protest movements have had a deep impact on various groups in Israel, amongst both Jews and Palestinians, and made an important contribution to the rise of the popular protest movement within Israel for social justice.
Moved by our aspiration to attain a just and fair peace in the region, a peace that is truly essential for the peoples of the region and can assist in promoting the struggle for justice and progress for everyone, we – Palestinian and Israeli social and political forces, representatives of women’s associations and young people from both sides of the Green Line – emphasise the need for a joint struggle, with the goal of liberating the peoples of the region from colonialism and hegemony, particularly that of Zionism, halting the occupation and Israeli military aggression and supporting the just struggle of the Palestinian people for fulfillment of its right for self-determination in accordance with the decisions of the international community.
We look forward to the liberation of all the region’s peoples from dictatorship, ruling tyranny and from all forms of national, social and economic oppression. Therefore, we the signatories on this document, emphasise:
1. We support the Palestinian September initiative in the United Nations, the body which carries responsibility for laying the foundations of peace internationally, in order to demand full membership for Palestine in the UN and recognition of a Palestinian state in the borders of 4 June 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital, and to strengthen the efforts to end the occupation of the Palestinian people’s lands, with preservation of the right of the Palestinian people to oppose the occupation and the right of return of the refugees in accordance with United Nations Resolution 194. In this context, we emphasise that the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, deriving its legitimacy both from the Palestinian people in the homeland and exile and from the recognition it received from the Arab League and the United Nations.
The UN initiative is a legitimate step. The United Nations must fulfill its responsibility to realize its responsibility to establish peace and justice on the international level. This is a step that strengthens the rights of the Palestinian people and in no way represents a threat to Israel, despite the great efforts of the Israeli government to present this step to the Israeli people as a declaration of war or harming the legitimacy of the existence of Israel.
2. We understand that one of the primary reasons for the social and economic distress of citizens in Israel, in addition to the capitalist economic policies, is the continuation of the occupation and excessive security budgets, which Israel’s government seeks to justify as needed for defending the security of the settlements on the one hand and the state borders on the other. We therefore believe that an end to the occupation and establishment of a fair and just peace are essential for a life of peace and welfare.
We welcome the participation and integration of the Palestinian population in Israel in the social protest. This is an important opportunity to present before various groups within Israeli society the distresses of the Palestinians and the injustices caused to them, so that these groups can take responsibility in the struggle against the marginalizing policies and ongoing discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel, for putting an ending to confiscation of lands and full equality, and an end to the occupation of the Palestinian lands that were occupied in 1967.
We warn again the familiar attempts by the occupation government to evade the crises and its internal crises and the pressure of the protest waves through the politics of fear which point to an external threat: Whether by presenting the Palestinian appeal to the UN as a “danger” or by military actions, as we have witnessed in the past few days in light of the harsh escalation in bloodletting of the Palestinian people in Gaza.
3. We recognize the right of the Palestinian people, living under occupation, to make use of all the legitimate forms of resistance in accordance with international norms for removing of the occupiers from its land and for self determination. In this context, we emphasise the importance of the joint popular struggle of Palestinians and Israelis. A popular joint struggle is one of the central guiding principles in the struggle against the occupation, the settlements, racism, colonialism, against policies of exclusion, weakening, impoverishment, and racist separation within Israel.
September 2011
Signed: Political parties, social organizations and young women and men Palestinian and Israeli activists (in alphabetical order)
Association of Palestinian Democratic Youth (Palestine)
Association of Progressive Students (Palestine)
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Front for Peace and Equality (Israel)
Democratic Teachers’ Union (Palestine)
Democratic Union of Professionals in Palestine (Palestine)
Democratic Women’s Movement in Israel (Israel)
Israeli Communist Party (Israel)
National Campaign for Return of the Bodies of Arab and Palestinian Martyrs Captured by the Israeli Government (Palestine)
Palestinian People’s Party (Palestine)
Popular Campaign for the Boycott of Israeli Products (Palestine)
Progressive Workers’ Union (Palestine)
Tarabut-Hithabrut – Arab-Jewish Movement for Social and Political Change (Israel)
The Alternative Information Center (Palestine/Israel)
Union of Palestinian Farmers’ Unions (Palestine)
Union of One World for Justice (Palestine)
Union of Palestinian Working Women (Palestine)
Workers’ Unity Bloc (Palestine)
Some 450,000 Israelis march at massive 'March of the Million' rallies across country
3 September 2011, Haaretz הארץ (Israel)
Protests held in major cities across Israel represent biggest rallies in country's history; protest leader says 'we have chosen to see instead of walking blindly toward the abyss.'
By Oz Rosenberg, Ilan Lior and Gili Cohen
Over 450,000 protesters attended rallies across the country last night calling for social justice in what was the largest demonstration in Israeli history.
The main protest took place in Tel Aviv's Kikar Hamedina, where some 300,000 people gathered after marching from Habima Square about two kilometers away. Protest leader Yonatan Levy said the atmosphere was like "a second Independence Day."
Protest leaders Daphni Leef and National Student Union Chairman Itzik Shmuli both addressed the Tel Aviv crowd. "Mr. Prime Minister, the new Israelis have a dream and it is simple: to weave the story of our lives into Israel. We expect you to let us live in this country. The new Israelis will not give up. They demand change and will not stop until real solutions come," Shmuli said.
"My generation always felt as though we were alone in this world, but now we feel the solidarity," said Leef. "They tried to dismiss us as stupid children, and as extreme leftists," but last night's countrywide protest proved otherwise, she said.
Dr. Shiri Tannenbaum, a medical resident leading the young doctors' protest against the recent collective wage agreement signed between the government and the Israel Medical Association, also spoke at the Tel Aviv rally.
In Jerusalem, an unprecedented 50,000 people filled Paris Square and the surrounding streets, almost twice the number that attended previous protests this summer.
Actress and comedienne Orna Banai told the crowd in the capital: "I am not amused that there are hungry children here; that we have a soldier rotting in captivity for five years; that Israel is one of the poorest examples there are of human rights."
The chairman of the Hebrew University Student Union, Itai Gotler, said: "We changed this summer. The voice of the mother, the teacher, the student, have been heard...The fire of protest was lit in Tel Aviv, but the tent city in Jerusalem shows that the protest belongs to all of us."
Gotler said the Jerusalem tent city was closing down, but pledged to continue the struggle.
Yehuda Alush, 52, from Be'er Sheva, among a group of protesters from the Negev who marched to the capital, said: "This protest must not stop or we'll lose." In Haifa, the protest drew 40,000 people, many of whom waved red flags.
The Haifa protest focused on the issue of discrimination against Arabs. Shahin Nasser, representative of the Wadi Nisnas protest tent in Haifa said: "Today we are changing the rules of the game. No more coexistence based on hummus and fava beans. What is happening here is true coexistence, when Arabs and Jews march together shoulder to shoulder calling for social justice and peace. We've had it. Bibi, go home. Steinitz, go and don't come back, Atias, good-bye and good riddance," he said, referring to the prime minister, the finance minister and the housing minister, respectively.
The chairman of the University of Haifa's student union, Yossi Shalom, told the crowd, gathered at the foot of the Bahai Gardens in the city's German Colony, "There is no more beautiful sight than social solidarity. As a student, this is the most important lesson I have learned in recent months." At the protest in Afula the numbers reached 12,000; in Rosh Pina, 7,000 and in Kiryat Shemona, 7,000.
Meanwhile, in the south, a total of more than 1,000 people took part in rallies in Mitzpe Ramon and Arad. Ya'akov Laksi, an organizer of the protest in Arad, told the crowd: "Social justice means Arad will no longer be called an outlying town. We need to bring people work."
Laksi said organizers had expected only 100 protesters.
"We want the government to increase funding, not take from someone else," Eyal Adler, an organizer of the protest in Mitzpe Ramon said.
A protester who gave her name as Ruthie, said: "We are far from the eye of the media, but we deserve no less funding and a change in the funding map of Israel."
Concerns over possible rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip led the Home Front Command to issue a directive prohibiting demonstrations in Be'er Sheva, Ashdod and Ashkelon.
Eli Ashkenazi and Yanir Yagna contributed to this report.
More on this topic
• What’s next for Israel after the ‘March of the Million’
• Netanyahu: Israel government has duty 'to correct social disparities'
• Ahead of the March of the Million, Israel’s social protest leaders are put to the test
• In Israel, the future can come down to just one night
Protests held in major cities across Israel represent biggest rallies in country's history; protest leader says 'we have chosen to see instead of walking blindly toward the abyss.'
By Oz Rosenberg, Ilan Lior and Gili Cohen
Over 450,000 protesters attended rallies across the country last night calling for social justice in what was the largest demonstration in Israeli history.
The main protest took place in Tel Aviv's Kikar Hamedina, where some 300,000 people gathered after marching from Habima Square about two kilometers away. Protest leader Yonatan Levy said the atmosphere was like "a second Independence Day."
Protest leaders Daphni Leef and National Student Union Chairman Itzik Shmuli both addressed the Tel Aviv crowd. "Mr. Prime Minister, the new Israelis have a dream and it is simple: to weave the story of our lives into Israel. We expect you to let us live in this country. The new Israelis will not give up. They demand change and will not stop until real solutions come," Shmuli said.
"My generation always felt as though we were alone in this world, but now we feel the solidarity," said Leef. "They tried to dismiss us as stupid children, and as extreme leftists," but last night's countrywide protest proved otherwise, she said.
Dr. Shiri Tannenbaum, a medical resident leading the young doctors' protest against the recent collective wage agreement signed between the government and the Israel Medical Association, also spoke at the Tel Aviv rally.
In Jerusalem, an unprecedented 50,000 people filled Paris Square and the surrounding streets, almost twice the number that attended previous protests this summer.
Actress and comedienne Orna Banai told the crowd in the capital: "I am not amused that there are hungry children here; that we have a soldier rotting in captivity for five years; that Israel is one of the poorest examples there are of human rights."
The chairman of the Hebrew University Student Union, Itai Gotler, said: "We changed this summer. The voice of the mother, the teacher, the student, have been heard...The fire of protest was lit in Tel Aviv, but the tent city in Jerusalem shows that the protest belongs to all of us."
Gotler said the Jerusalem tent city was closing down, but pledged to continue the struggle.
Yehuda Alush, 52, from Be'er Sheva, among a group of protesters from the Negev who marched to the capital, said: "This protest must not stop or we'll lose." In Haifa, the protest drew 40,000 people, many of whom waved red flags.
The Haifa protest focused on the issue of discrimination against Arabs. Shahin Nasser, representative of the Wadi Nisnas protest tent in Haifa said: "Today we are changing the rules of the game. No more coexistence based on hummus and fava beans. What is happening here is true coexistence, when Arabs and Jews march together shoulder to shoulder calling for social justice and peace. We've had it. Bibi, go home. Steinitz, go and don't come back, Atias, good-bye and good riddance," he said, referring to the prime minister, the finance minister and the housing minister, respectively.
The chairman of the University of Haifa's student union, Yossi Shalom, told the crowd, gathered at the foot of the Bahai Gardens in the city's German Colony, "There is no more beautiful sight than social solidarity. As a student, this is the most important lesson I have learned in recent months." At the protest in Afula the numbers reached 12,000; in Rosh Pina, 7,000 and in Kiryat Shemona, 7,000.
Meanwhile, in the south, a total of more than 1,000 people took part in rallies in Mitzpe Ramon and Arad. Ya'akov Laksi, an organizer of the protest in Arad, told the crowd: "Social justice means Arad will no longer be called an outlying town. We need to bring people work."
Laksi said organizers had expected only 100 protesters.
"We want the government to increase funding, not take from someone else," Eyal Adler, an organizer of the protest in Mitzpe Ramon said.
A protester who gave her name as Ruthie, said: "We are far from the eye of the media, but we deserve no less funding and a change in the funding map of Israel."
Concerns over possible rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip led the Home Front Command to issue a directive prohibiting demonstrations in Be'er Sheva, Ashdod and Ashkelon.
Eli Ashkenazi and Yanir Yagna contributed to this report.
• What’s next for Israel after the ‘March of the Million’
• Netanyahu: Israel government has duty 'to correct social disparities'
• Ahead of the March of the Million, Israel’s social protest leaders are put to the test
• In Israel, the future can come down to just one night
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