Mostrando postagens com marcador Intifada. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Intifada. Mostrar todas as postagens

segunda-feira, 16 de abril de 2012

Second year of hysterical Israeli reaction to Welcome to Palestine

15 April 2012, Alternative Information Center http://www.alternativenews.org (Israel)

Sergio Yahni

The Israeli government has responded with laughable hysteria for the second year in a row to the Welcome to Palestine Initiative, in which hundreds of international activists openly declare their intention to visit Palestine when landing in Tel Aviv.

Statement, of dubious legality, which Israel's Ministry of Interior is forcing selected visitors to Israel to sign in response to the Welcome to Palestine Initiative

Since the eruption of the Second Intifada in September 2000, tens of thousands of international activists have come to the occupied Palestinian territory to learn about the Palestinian reality and to express their solidarity by participating in demonstrations and sharing the life and hardships of Palestinians living under Israeli occupation.

However, this is the second time that participants in the Welcome to Palestine initiative decided that when arriving to Israel’s Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv, they won't hide their intentions. In the eyes of the Israeli immigration authorities, this decision has transformed them into a "security threat."

In the first edition of Welcome to Palestine Prime Minister Netanyahu personally visited Ben Gurion Airport, on his way to Bulgaria and Romania, and instructed various government agencies, including Public Security Minister Yitzhak Aharonovitch, Police Commissioner Yohanan Danino and other security officials to “act decisively against attempts to create a provocation at the airport". Netanyahu further instructed security forces to avoid unnecessary friction with the international activists.

Although such a visit did not occur on April 15, the signs of Israeli hysteria were there. The Oz Unit, Israel’s privatized immigration police, cancelled their planned strike and the Israeli police posted 650 policemen in the airport. While some of the police officers were in plainclothes, the images from Ben Gurion are reminiscent of a military coup.

Israeli authorities perceive in the arrival of the international activists a danger to Israel's image, which may undermine current efforts to “re-brand” Israel in international public opinion. However, there is no need for international activists to damage the attempts to re-brand Israel; it is enough to read a new statement visitors are requested to sign in order to be allowed into Israel.

“I undertake that a cant be a member of any pro Palestinian Organizations and not to be in contact with any other Members of any pro Palestinian organizations, as well I will not participate in pro Palestinian activities. I understand that if I will be caught doing one of these things, all relevant legal actions will be taken against me including deportation and refusal of entry to Israel” (Errors are in the original).

In international public opinion polls, Israel is one of the most abhorred countries in the world. The 2011 EastWest’s global nation brands perception index scored 150 out of 200 countries. Israel came in behind states such as Eritrea and Chad. The hysterical reaction to international activists arriving to Ben Gurion Airport and expressing their solidarity with the Palestinian people is not about to improve this image.


segunda-feira, 2 de abril de 2012

THE NEW MANDELA

31 March 2012/ Gush Shalom גוש שלום http://zope.gush-shalom.org (Israel)

Uri Avnery אורי אבנרי

MARWAN BARGHOUTI has spoken up. After a long silence, he has sent a message from prison.

In Israeli ears, this message does not sound pleasant. But for Palestinians, and for Arabs in general, it makes sense.


His message may well become the new program of the Palestinian liberation movement.
I FIRST met Marwan in the heyday of post-Oslo optimism. He was emerging as a leader of the new Palestinian generation, the home-grown young activists, men and women, who had matured in the first Intifada.

He is a man of small physical stature and large personality. When I met him, he was already the leader of Tanzim (“organization”), the youth group of the Fatah movement.

The topic of our conversations then was the organization of demonstrations and other non-violent actions, based on close cooperation between the Palestinians and Israeli peace groups. The aim was peace between Israel and a new State of Palestine.

When the Oslo process died with the assassinations of Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat, Marwan and his organization became targets. Successive Israeli leaders – Binyamin Netanyahu, Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon – decided to put an end to the two-state agenda. In the brutal “Defensive Shield operation (launched by Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz, the new leader of the Kadima Party) the Palestinian Authority was attacked, its services destroyed and many of its activists arrested.

Marwan Barghouti was put on trial. It was alleged that, as the leader of Tanzim, he was responsible for several “terrorist” attacks in Israel. His trial was a mockery, resembling a Roman gladiatorial arena more than a judicial process. The hall was packed with howling rightists, presenting themselves as “victims of terrorism”. Members of Gush Shalom protested against the trial inside the court building but we were not allowed anywhere near the accused.

Marwan was sentenced to five life sentences. The picture of him raising his shackled hands above his head has become a Palestinian national icon. When I visited his family in Ramallah, it was hanging in the living room.

IN PRISON, Marwan Barghouti was immediately recognized as the leader of all Fatah prisoners. He is respected by Hamas activists as well. Together, the imprisoned leaders of Fatah and Hamas published several statements calling for Palestinian unity and reconciliation. These were widely distributed outside and received with admiration and respect.

(Members of the extended Barghouti family, by the way, play a major role in Palestinian affairs across the entire spectrum from moderate to extremist. One of them is Mustapha Barghouti, a doctor who heads a moderate Palestinian party with many connections abroad, whom I regularly meet at demonstrations in Bilin and elsewhere. I once joked that we always cry when we see each other – from tear gas. The family has its roots in a group of villages north of Jerusalem.)

NOWADAYS, MARWAN Barghouti is considered the outstanding candidate for leader of Fatah and president of the Palestinian Authority after Mahmoud Abbas. He is one of the very few personalities around whom all Palestinians, Fatah as well as Hamas, can unite.

After the capture of the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, when the prisoner exchange was discussed, Hamas put Marwan Barghouti on top of the list of Palestinian prisoners whose release it demanded. This was a very unusual gesture, since Marwan belonged to the rival – and reviled - faction.

The Israeli government struck Marwan from the list right away, and remained adamant. When Shalit was finally released, Marwan stayed in prison. Obviously he was considered more dangerous than hundreds of Hamas “terrorists” with “blood on their hands”.

Why?

Cynics would say: because he wants peace. Because he sticks to the two-state solution. Because he can unify the Palestinian people for that purpose. All good reasons for a Netanyahu to keep him behind bars.

SO WHAT did Marwan tell his people this week?

Clearly, his attitude has hardened. So, one must assume, has the attitude of the Palestinian people at large.

He calls for a Third Intifada, a non-violent mass uprising in the spirit of the Arab Spring.

His manifesto is a clear rejection of the policy of Mahmoud Abbas, who maintains limited but all-important cooperation with the Israeli occupation authorities. Marwan calls for a total rupture of all forms of cooperation, whether economic, military or other.

A focal point of this cooperation is the day-to-day collaboration of the American-trained Palestinian security services with the Israeli occupation forces. This arrangement has effectively stopped violent Palestinian attacks in the occupied territories and in Israel proper. It guarantees, In practice, the security of the growing Israeli settlements in the West Bank.

Marwan also calls for a total boycott of Israel, Israeli institutions and products in the Palestinian territories and throughout the world. Israeli products should disappear from West Bank shops, Palestinian products should be promoted.

At the same time, Marwan advocates an official end to the charade called “peace negotiations”. This term, by the way, is never heard anymore in Israel. First it was replaced with “peace process”, then “political process”, and lately “the political matter”. The simple word “peace” has become taboo among rightists and most “leftists” alike. It’s political poison.

Marwan proposes to make the absence of peace negotiations official. No more international talk about “reviving the peace process”, no more rushing around of ridiculous people like Tony Blair, no more hollow announcements by Hillary Clinton and Catherine Ashton, no more empty declarations of the “Quartet”. Since the Israeli government clearly has abandoned the two-state solution – which it never really accepted in the first place – keeping up the pretense just harms the Palestinian struggle.

Instead of this hypocrisy, Marwan proposes to renew the battle in the UN. First, apply again to the Security Council for the acceptance of Palestine as a member state, challenging the US to use its solitary veto openly against practically the whole world. After the expected rejection of the Palestinian request by the Council as a result of the veto, request a decision by the General Assembly, where the vast majority would vote in favor. Though this would not be binding, it would demonstrate that the freedom of Palestine enjoys the overwhelming support of the family of nations, and isolate Israel (and the US) even more.

Parallel to this course of action, Marwan insists on Palestinian unity, using his considerable moral force to put pressure on both Fatah and Hamas.

TO SUMMARIZE, Marwan Barghouti has given up all hope of achieving Palestinian freedom through cooperation with Israel, or even Israeli opposition forces. The Israeli peace movement is not mentioned anymore. “Normalization” has become a dirty word.

These ideas are not new, but coming from the No. 1 Palestinian prisoner, the foremost candidate for the succession of Mahmoud Abbas, the hero of the Palestinian masses, it means a turn to a more militant course, both in substance and in tone.

Marwan remains peace oriented – as he made clear when, in a rare recent appearance in court, he called out to the Israeli journalists that he continues to support the two-state solution. He also remains committed to non-violent action, having come to the conclusion that the violent attacks of yesteryear harmed the Palestinian cause instead of furthering it.

He wants to call a halt to the gradual and unwilling slide of the Palestinian Authority into a Vichy-like collaboration, while the expansion of the Israeli “settlement enterprise” goes on undisturbed.

NOT BY accident did Marwan publish his manifesto on the eve of “Land Day”, the world-wide day of protest against the occupation.

“Land Day” is the anniversary of an event that took place in 1976 to protest against the decision of the Israeli government to expropriate huge tracts of Arab-owned land in Galilee and other parts of Israel. The Israeli army and police fired on the protesters, killing six of them. (The day after, two of my friends and I laid wreaths on the graves of the victims, an act that earned me an outbreak of hatred and vilification I have seldom experienced.)

Land day was a turning point for Israel’s Arab citizens, and later became a symbol for Arabs everywhere. This year, the Netanyahu government threatened to shoot anybody who even approaches our borders. It may well be a harbinger for the Third Intifada heralded by Marwan.

For some time now, the world has lost much of its interest in Palestine. Everything looks quiet. Netanyahu has succeeded in deflecting world attention from Palestine to Iran. But in this country, nothing is ever static. While it seems that nothing is happening, settlements are growing incessantly, and so is the deep resentment of the Palestinians who see this happening before their eyes.

Marwan Barghouti’s manifesto expresses the near-unanimous feelings of the Palestinians in the West Bank and elsewhere. Like Nelson Mandela in apartheid South Africa, the man in prison may well be more important than the leaders outside.


domingo, 18 de março de 2012

THE GLOBAL MARCH TO JERUSALEM (GMJ) – 30TH MARCH 2012

18 March 2012, Global March to Jerusalem http://www.globalmarchtojerusalem.org (Palestine)

The Global March to Jerusalem (GMJ) is a groundbreaking new initiative that is organising non-violent civil resistance on 30th March 2012 in Palestine and the four neighbouring countries: Egypt, Lebanon Jordan and Syria.

The GMJ is comprised of a diverse coalition of Palestinian, Arab and international activists who are united in the struggle to liberate the holy city of Jerusalem (the city of Peace) from illegal Zionist occupation.

The peaceful marchers will demand freedom for Jerusalem and its people. Our aim is to end the Zionist policies of apartheid, ethnic cleansing and Judaisation, which all harm the people, land and sanctity of Jerusalem. Judaisation has involved the unrestricted expansion and funding of illegal Israeli settlements, the continued dispossession and demolition of Palestinian property, and the construction of a Separation Wall surrounding the city, all of which have changed the demographics of the holy city from a Palestinian to a Jewish majority.

Global participation in the march will confirm to the world that these policies and practices of the racist state of Israel against Jerusalem and its people are a crime not only against Palestinians but against all humanity.

The march will unite the efforts of Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims, Christians, Jews, and all citizens of conscience in the world to put an end to Israel’s disregard for international law through the continuing occupation of Jerusalem and the rest of Palestinian land.

While the GMJ is made up of grassroots movements in each participating country, the march is centralized through an International Central Committee, consisting of 42 elected regional delegates. National delegates will appoint 15 members for the International Executive Committee and recruit hundreds of dignitaries and luminaries for the International Advisory Board.

Our plan is to organize massive marches towards Jerusalem, or to the nearest point possible according to the circumstances of each country, in Palestine (the 1948 seizures, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip) and the four neighbouring countries: Jordan, Egypt, Syria and Lebanon. Internationals will participate in land caravans or fly directly to one of the main sites for the march. In addition, mass protests will be organised in front of Israeli embassies in the capitals of different countries, or in the main public squares in the big cities of the world.

The recent successes of the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions are a reminder that this inspirational movement for nonviolent civil resistance was actually born in Palestine with the first Intifada. By renewing the struggle to liberate Palestine through a peaceful national mass movement that is supported by the global community, we aim to change the nature of the confrontation by compelling the occupiers to face millions of demonstrators demanding Freedom for Palestine and its capital Jerusalem.


Marcha Mundial a Jerusalén (GMJ) – 30 de Marzo de 2012
La Marcha Global a Jerusalén es una iniciativa nueva e innovadora que está organizando una marcha pacífica y no violenta de resistencia civil para este 30 de marzo de 2012 en Palestina y en sus cuatro países vecinos: Egipto, Jordania, Líbano y Siria.

La GMJ se compone de una coalición de diversos activistas palestinos, árabes e internacionales que están unidos en la lucha para liberar la ciudad santa de Jerusalén (la ciudad de la Paz) a partir de la ilegal ocupación sionista.

Los manifestantes pacíficos demandan la liberación de Jerusalén y de su población nativa palestina. Nuestro objetivo es poner fin a las políticas sionistas de Apartheid, limpieza étnica y de judaización, como todo el daño a la gente, la tierra y a la santidad de Jerusalén. La judaización ha implicado la expansión sin restricciones y la financiación de asentamientos ilegales israelíes, el despojo continuado y la demolición de propiedades palestinas y la construcción de un muro de separación que rodea la ciudad, todos los cuales han cambiado la demografía de la ciudad santa de una mayoría palestina a una judía.

La participación en la Marcha Global a Jerusalén confirmará al mundo que estas políticas y prácticas del estado racista de Israel contra Jerusalén y su gente es un crimen no sólo contra los palestinos sino contra toda la humanidad.

La marcha unirá los esfuerzos de palestinos, árabes, musulmanes, cristianos, judíos y a todos los ciudadanos de conciencia en el mundo para poner fin al desprecio de Israel hacia el derecho internacional a través de la continua ocupación de Jerusalén y el resto del territorio palestino.

La GMJ se compone de movimientos de base en cada país participante, la marcha se centraliza a través de un Comité Central Internacional, que consta de 42 delegados regionales electos. Los delegados nacionales nombrará a 15 miembros para el Comité Ejecutivo Internacional y reclutará a cientos de dignatarios para el Consejo Asesor Internacional.

Nuestro plan consiste en organizar marchas masivas hacia Jerusalén, o al punto más cercano posible de acuerdo a las circunstancias de cada país, en Palestina (las fronteras de 1948, la Ribera Occidental y la Franja de Gaza) y sus cuatro países vecinos: Jordania, Egipto, Siria y el Líbano. Los activistas internacionales participarán en las caravanas por tierra o volarán directamente a uno de los principales lugares de interés para la marcha. Además, se organizarán protestas masivas frente a las embajadas israelíes en las capitales de diferentes países, o en las principales plazas públicas en las grandes ciudades del mundo.

Los éxitos recientes de las revoluciones de Egipto y Túnez son un recordatorio de que este movimiento de inspiración para la resistencia civil no violenta en realidad nació en Palestina con la primera Intifada, al renovar la lucha para la liberación de Palestina a través de un movimiento internacional pacífico de masas, que es apoyado por la comunidad internacional, nuestro objetivo es cambiar la naturaleza de la confrontación obligando a los ocupantes a hacer frente a millones de manifestantes exigiendo la liberación de Palestina y su capital Jerusalén.


Der Globale Marsch nach Jerusalem (GMJ) – 30. März 2012
Der globale Marsch nach Jerusalem (GMJ) ist eine bahnbrechende neue Initiative, die den gewaltfreien bürgerlichen Widerstand organisiert für den 30. März 2012 in Palästina und den Nachbarländern: Ägypten, Libanon, Jordanien und Syrien.

Der GMJ setzt sich zusammen aus einer breitgefächerten Koalition von Palästinensern, Arabern und internationalen Aktivisten, die geeint sich im Kampf zur Befreiung der heiligen Stadt Jerusalem (der Stadt des Friedens) von der illegalen zionistischen Besatzung.

Die friedlichen Demonstranten fordern Frieden für Jerusalem und seine Bewohner. Unser Ziel ist es, die zionistische Politik der Apartheit, ethnischen Säuberungen und Judaisierung zu beenden, die allesamt den Menschen und dem Land Schaden zufügen und die Unantastbarkeit von Jerusalem verletzen. Die Judaisierung hat die unbeschränkte Expansion und Gründung von illegalen israelischen Siedlungen mit sich gebracht, die fortgesetzte Enteignung und Zerstörung von palästinensischem Eigentum sowie den Bau einer Separationsmauer, die die Stadt einschließt; all dies hat den demographischen Wandel der heiligen Stadt von einer palästinensischen zu einer jüdischen Bevölkerungsmehrheit hervorgerufen.

Die globale Beteiligung an dem Marsch wird der Welt bestätigen, dass diese Politiken und Praktiken des rassistischen Staates Israel gegen Jerusalem und seine Bewohner nicht nur ein Verbrechen gegen die Palästinenser sind, sondern gegen die gesamte Menschheit.

Der Marsch wird die Bemühungen von Palästinensern, Arabern, Muslimen, Christen, Juden und allen Menschen mit Gewissen in der Welt einen, der Missachtung des Völkerrechts durch Israel mit seiner andauernden Besetzung von Jerusalem und dem übrigen palästinensischen Land ein Ende zu setzen.

Obgleich der GMJ sich in jedem der teilnehmenden Länder aus Bürgerinitiativen zusammensetzt, so wird er dennoch zentral geleitet durch ein internationales Zentralkomitee, das aus 42 gewählten Landesdelegierten besteht. Die nationalen Vertreter werden 15 Mitglieder für das internationale Exekutiv-Komitee ernennen und hunderte von Würdenträgern und bekannten Persönlichkeiten für den internationalen Beratungsausschuss anwerben.

Unser Plan besteht darin, massive Märsche nach Jerusalem oder zu dem nächst möglichen Punkt gemäß den Umständen der einzelnen Länder zu organisieren, in Palästina (den 1948 beschlagnahmten Gebieten, der Westbank und im Gaza-Streifen) sowie den vier Nachbarländern: Jordanien, Ägypten, Syrien und Libanon. Internationale Aktivisten werden an Landkarawanen teilnehmen oder direkt zu einem der Hauptschauplätze des Marsches fliegen. Zusätzlich werden Massenproteste vor den israelischen Botschaften in den Hauptstädten verschiedener Länder organisiert oder auf den wichtigsten öffentlichen Plätzen in den Großstädten der Welt.

Die jüngsten Erfolge der ägyptischen und tunesischen Revolution erinnern uns daran, dass diese inspirierende Bewegung für gewaltfreien zivilen Widerstand eigentlich in Palästina geboren wurde in Form der ersten Intifada. Bei der Wiederaufnahme des Kampfes zur Befreiung Palästinas durch eine friedvolle nationale Massenbewegung, die von der weltweiten Gemeinschaft unterstützt wird, wollen wir das Wesen der Konfrontation verändern, indem wir die Besatzer zwingen, Millionen von Demonstranten gegenüber zu stehen, die Freiheit für Palästina und seine Hauptstadt Jerusalem fordern.


quinta-feira, 8 de dezembro de 2011

THE KING’S SPEECH

3 December 2011, Gush Shalom גוש שלום http://zope.gush-shalom.org (Israel)

Uri Avnery Uri Avnery אורי אבנרי

IN THE middle of the '80s, a German diplomat conveyed to me a surprising message. A member of the Jordanian Royal family would like to speak with me in Amman. At the time, Jordan was still officially at war with us.

IN THE middle of the '80s, a German diplomat conveyed to me a surprising message. A member of the Jordanian Royal family would like to speak with me in Amman. At the time, Jordan was still officially at war with us.

Somehow I obtained official permission from the Israeli government. The Germans generously provided me with a passport that was not strictly accurate, and so, with much turning of blind eyes, I arrived in Amman and was lodged in the best hotel.

The news of my presence spread quickly, and after some days it became an embarrassment to the Jordanian government. So I was politely asked to leave, and very quickly, please.

But before that, a high-ranking official invited me to dinner in a very elegant restaurant. He was a well educated, very cultured person, who spoke beautiful English. To my utter amazement, he told me that he was a Bedouin, a member of an important tribe. All my ideas about Bedouins were shattered in that moment.

This dinner stuck in my memory because, in (literally) ten minutes, I learned more about Jordan than in decades of reading. My host took a paper napkin and drew a rough map of Jordan. “Look at our neighbors,” he explained. “Here is Syria, a radical secular Ba’athist dictatorship. Then there is Iraq, with another Ba’athist regime that hates Syria. Next there is Saudi Arabia, a very conservative, orthodox country. Next is Egypt, with a pro-Western military dictator. Then there is Zionist Israel. In the occupied Palestinian territories, radical, revolutionary elements are in the ascent. And almost touching us, there is fragmented, unpredictable Lebanon.”

“From all these countries,” he continued, “refugees, agents and ideological influences stream into Jordan. We have to absorb all of them. We have to perform a very delicate balancing act. If we come too close to Israel, the next day we must appease Syria. If one day we embrace Saudi Arabia, we must kiss Iraq the next. We must not ally ourselves with any one.”

Another impression I took with me - the Palestinians in Jordan (excluding the refugees, whom I did not meet) are perfectly content with the status quo, dominating the economy, getting rich and praying for the stability of the regime.

I WISH that all influential Israelis had received such an eye-opening lesson, because in Israel, the most grotesque ideas about Jordan were – and still are - in vogue.

The general picture is that of a ridiculous little country, ruled by fierce and primitive Bedouin tribes, while the majority consists of Palestinians who are continually plotting to overthrow the monarchy and assume power.

(Which reminds me of another conversation – this time in Cairo with the – then - acting Foreign Minister, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a Copt and one of the most intelligent persons I’ve ever met. “Israeli experts in Arab affairs are among the best in the world,” he told me, “they have read everything, they know everything, and they understand nothing. That’s because they have never lived in an Arab country.”)

Until the Oslo agreement, the entire Israeli elite subscribed to the “Jordanian Option”. The idea was that only King Hussein was able and ready to make peace with us and that he would give us East Jerusalem and parts of the West Bank as a present. Hiding behind this misconception was the traditional Zionist resolve to ignore the existence of the Palestinian people and to prevent the creation of a Palestinian state at all costs.

Another version of this idea rests on the slogan “Jordan is Palestine”. It was explained to me by Ariel Sharon, nine months before Lebanon War I. “We shall throw the Palestinians out of Lebanon into Syria. The Syrians will push them South into Jordan. There they shall overthrow the king and turn Jordan into Palestine. The Palestinian problem will disappear, and the remaining conflict will become a normal disagreement between two sovereign states, Israel and Palestine.”

“But what about the West Bank?” I queried.

“We shall achieve a compromise with Jordan,” he answered, “perhaps joint rule, perhaps some kind of functional division.”

This idea pops up time and again. This week one of the hyperactive and mentally handicapped right wing parliamentary thugs submitted another of those bills. It is called “Jordan – the Nation-State of the Palestinian People”.

Apart from the curiosity of one country enacting a law to define the character of another country, it was politically embarrassing. Yet instead of just throwing it out, it was transferred to a sub-committee where the deliberations, such as they are, are secret.

HIS MAJESTY, king Abdullah II, is worried. He has good reasons to be.

There is the democratic Arab Spring, which may spill over into his autocratic kingdom. There is the uprising in neighboring Syria, which may push refugees southwards. There is the growing influence of Shiite Iran, which does not look good for his stoutly Sunni monarchy.

But all this is nothing compared to the growing threat from radical, rightist Israel.

The most immediate danger, from his point of view, is the growing Israeli oppression and colonization of the West Bank. One of these days, it may push masses of Palestinian refugees to cross the Jordan into his kingdom, upsetting the strained demographic balance between locals and Palestinians in his country.

It was this fear that caused his father, King Hussein, during the first intifada, to cut all connections with the West Bank, which had been annexed by his grandfather after the 1948 war. (The very term “West Bank” is Jordanian, to distinguish it from the East Bank, the original Transjordanian territory of the kingdom.)

If “Jordan is Palestine”, then there is no reason for Israel not to annex the West Bank, expropriate Palestinian lands, enlarge the existing settlements and create new ones, and in general “convince” Palestinians to find a better life east of the river.

With this in mind, the king voiced his anxiety in a much-publicized interview this week. In it, he raised the possibility of a federation between Jordan and the (still occupied) State of Palestine in the West Bank, obviously to forestall Israeli designs. Perhaps he also wants to convince the Palestinians that such a move would help them to terminate the occupation, facilitate their application for UN membership and prevent a US veto. (I don’t believe this offer will find many Palestinian takers.)

THE INITIATORS of the Israeli bill make it clear that their main purpose is Hasbarah (“explaining”), the Hebrew euphemism for propaganda. Their idea, they believe, will put an end to the isolation and delegitimization of Israel. The world will accept that the State of Palestine already exists, beyond the Jordan, so that there is no need for a second one in the West Bank.

If His Majesty suspects that there is a much more sinister dimension to the propaganda ploy, he is quite right. Obviously he is thinking about much more profound long-term possibilities.

This goes back to the basic dilemma of the Israeli right, a dilemma that seems well-nigh insoluble.

The Israeli Right has never really given up the idea of a Greater Israel (which in Hebrew is called “the whole of Eretz-Israel”). This means the total rejection of the Two-State solution in all its forms and the creation of a Jewish state from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River.

However, in such a state there would be living, as of today, some 6 million Israeli Jews and about 5.5 million Arab Palestinians (2.5 in the West Bank, 1.5 in the Gaza Strip, 1.5 in Israel proper.) Some demographers believe that the number is even larger.

According to all demographic forecasts, the Palestinians will quite soon constitute the majority in this geographic entity. What then?

Some idealists believe (or delude themselves) that, faced with stern international disapproval, Israel will have to grant citizenship to all the inhabitants, turning the entity into a bi-national or multi-national or non-national state. Without taking a survey one can say with certainty that 99.999% of Jewish Israelis would oppose this idea with all their strength. It is the total negation of everything Zionism stands for.

The other possibility would be that this entity would become an apartheid state, not only partly, not only in practice, but entirely and officially. The great majority of Jewish Israelis would not like that at all. This, too, is a negation of basic Zionist values.

There is no solution to this dilemma. Or is there?

THE KING seems to think that there is. It is, actually, implicit in the dream of a Greater Israel.

That solution is a repeat of 1948: a naqba of vastly larger dimensions, which Israelis euphemistically call “transfer”.

This means that at some time, when international conditions are opportune – some huge international disaster that rivets attention to some other part of the world, a big war, or such – the government will drive out the non-Jewish population. Where to? Geography dictates the answer: to Jordan. Or, rather, to the future State of Palestine in what was once Jordan.

I would suggest that almost every Israeli who supports the Greater Israel idea has this – at least unconsciously – in mind. Perhaps not as a plan for action in the near future, but certainly as the only solution in the long term.

MORE THAN 80 years ago, Vladimir (Ze’ev) Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism and the spiritual forefather of Binjamin Netanyahu, wrote some verses that were sung by the Irgun (to which I belonged when I was very young.)

It is a nice song with a nice melody. The refrain goes like this: “The Jordan has two banks / The one belongs to us, the other one, too.”

Jabotinsky, an ardent admirer of the Italian 19th century risorgimento, was an ultra-nationalist and a sincere liberal. One verse of the poem says: “The son of Arabia, the son of Nazareth and my own son / Will find there happiness and plenty / Because my flag, a flag of purity and honesty / Will cleanse both sides of the Jordan.”

The official emblem of the Irgun consisted of a map that included Transjordan, with a rifle superimposed. This emblem was inherited by Menachem Begin’s Herut (“Freedom”) Party, the mother of the Likud.

This party has long since given up the ideal of the three sons, purity and honesty. The slogan “Jordan is Palestine” means that it has also given up the claim to the East bank of the Jordan.

Or has it?

sexta-feira, 2 de dezembro de 2011

PALESTINIAN CHILDREN IMPRISONED IN VIOLATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

1 December 2011, Alternative Information Center (AIC) המרכז לאינפורמציה אלטרנטיבית
http://www.alternativenews.org (Israel)

Jana Grunewald for the Alternative Information Center

In September 2009 Israel established the Military Youth Court. Two years later, in September 2011 Israel finally met its obligations under international law and raised the age of majority in the military courts from 16 to 18. However, none of these changes brought major improvements in practice and the abuse of Palestinian children arrested and detained by Israeli authorities continues…

(Scores of Palestinian children are in Israeli prisons/photo: flickr/jpmacor)

Since the beginning of the Second Intifada in September 2000, Israel started to deploy administrative detention orders on children. According to international law, administrative detention is only permitted on a very limited scale, especially in concern of minors. In Israel, however, Palestinian children are being detained systematically ever since. Every year there is an approximately 700 Palestinian children arrested by the Israeli military and prosecuted in its courts.

Currently 164 Palestinian children are kept in Israeli detention, mostly being charged with stone throwing. Although it is forbidden by Israeli law to imprison any human being under the age of 14, 35 of the children detained are aged between 12 and 13. It is alarming that minors are arrested and incarcerated in violation of Israeli and international legislation. What is even more disturbing though is the way children are treated during their arrest, interrogation and detention.

Several NGOs that investigated the treatment of minors in Israeli imprisonment, report on physical as well as mental abuse. In many cases minors are arrested in their home during the night and marched off by soldiers without any parental company. The interrogation as well takes place in the absence of a parent and/or an attorney. In many cases, several hours or even days pass until the arrested minors are interrogated at all. While waiting for the interrogation the children concerned are often denied necessary human needs such as sleeping, eating, drinking and going to the toilet. During all stages of the arrest violence is likely to be involved, including choking, punching, slapping, kicking and hair pulling. In addition to that minors are threatened with further violence and even sexual assault.

Another major problem is the fact that there is no alternative to remand until the end of proceedings according to military law, which is mainly applied on Palestinian child detainees. In consequence many children confess to crimes they supposedly committed in order to prevent longer terms of detention. The confessions, minors are forced to sign, are often written in Hebrew, a language that many Palestinian children cannot read.

About 93% of the children convicted of stone throwing between 2005 and 2010 are sentenced to imprisonment, which shows that there is hardly any alternative punishment to incarceration. The length of detention varies greatly, ranging from a few days up to 20 months. The experiences made in detention harm the children’s development severely. Once they are released, the majority of young ex-detainees suffer from various problems, including social, financial and emotional difficulties.

The mistreatment of Palestinian children in Israel’s courts and prisons is constantly ignored. Even the mere awareness of minors enduring imprisonment is missing, which made a current event very obvious: When in October this year Gilat Shalit was freed in exchange for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners, no one talked about the minors detained; neither did Israel’s authorities nor the international community, nor did Hamas.

domingo, 7 de agosto de 2011

TEL-AVIV PROPOSE UN MARCHE DE DUPES

5 août 2011, Association France Palestine Solidarité (AFPS) http://www.france-palestine.org (France)

Hassane Zerrouky - L’Humanité

Si les Palestiniens renoncent à demander «  unilatéralement  » l’adhésion d’un État de Palestine à l’ONU en septembre, Israël est prêt à négocier un accord de paix sur la base des propositions du président Barack Obama, a indiqué une source israélienne.

En mai dernier, l’hôte de la Maison-Blanche s’était prononcé pour un État palestinien basé sur les frontières de 1967 avec des échanges de territoires, provoquant alors la colère du gouvernement de Netanyahou  ! Bref. «  L’objectif ultime, c’est deux États pour deux peuples, Israël en tant qu’État du peuple juif, et l’État de Palestine, patrie du peuple palestinien  », a assuré le premier ministre israélien, cité par le Jerusalem Post de mardi. Il y a dix jours, s’exprimant sur la chaîne Al-Arabiya, Benyamin Netanyahou s’était déjà dit «  prêt à négocier la paix  » avec le président Mahmoud Abbas, assurant que «  tout est sur la table, mais il faut se rendre à la table  ».

Ce semblant de revirement, qui au fond s’apparente à un marché de dupes visant à torpiller l’admission de l’État palestinien à l’ONU, est dû au moins à trois éléments. Le premier, c’est l’appel de Marwan Barghouti à des manifestations de masse en septembre pour soutenir la demande d’adhésion palestinienne (voir l’Humanité du 24 juillet). Le deuxième tient au fait qu’Israël ne semble pas être parvenu à convaincre au moins trente pays pour rassembler «  une majorité morale  » afin de faire échouer la reconnaissance de l’État palestinien par l’ONU. Enfin, troisième élément, et non des moindres, «  l’intifada sociale  » de la jeunesse israélienne n’est sans doute pas étrangère au fait que Benyamin Netanyahou tente, à la faveur d’une reprise des négociations avec les Palestiniens, de freiner la chute de sa cote de popularité en Israël.

quarta-feira, 13 de julho de 2011

ENTREVISTA COM NOAM CHOMSKY

7 julho 2011/Brasil de fato http://www.brasildefato.com.br

OBS.: O texto completo está em:
Português: Brasil de Fato http://www.brasildefato.com.br/node/6539
Inglês: http://www.redpepper.org.uk/interview-with-noam-chomsky/

''A imensa maioria dos árabes pensa que a maior ameaça vem dos EUA-Israel''
John Berger


Redpepper.org

Para sua segunda entrevista em menos de um ano com o professor Noam Chomsky (a primeira ocorreu em Cambridge, em setembro de 2010), Frank Barat pediu a renomados artistas e jornalistas que cada um lhe enviasse a pergunta que gostaria que fosse formulada a Noam.

Amira Hass: Os levantes dos países árabes fizeram-lhe mudar ou revisar as suas antigas análises? Afetaram, e como, as suas ideias sobre, por exemplo, massas, esperança, Facebook, pobreza, intervenção ocidental, surpresa? (Jornalista israelense que vive na faixa de Gaza)

Amira e eu nos reunimos na Turquia há um par de meses, tivemos um par de horas para falar e nenhum de nós previu nada, talvez ela sim, mas se o previu não disse nada, certamente eu não previ nada, não estava sucedendo nada no mundo árabe, portanto, sim, mudei de opinião a esse respeito porque foi algo inesperado. Por outra parte, quando olhas para trás, não há diferença com o que ocorria antes, exceto que no passado os levantes eram violentamente reprimidos, e isso foi o que ocorreu em novembro, no início dos levantes, no Saara Ocidental que Marrocos invadiu há 25 anos, violando as resoluções das Nações Unidas e ocupando brutalmente.

Em novembro se produziu esse primeiro protesto não violento que as tropas marroquinas controlaram violentamente, que é algo que há 25 anos seguem fazendo; foi bastante grave como para que se apresentasse uma petição de investigação nas Nações Unidas, mas então a França foi e interveio. A França é o principal protetor de atrocidades e crimes na África Ocidental, são as velhas propriedades francesas, por isso bloquearam a investigação das Nações Unidas do que foi o primeiro protesto. O seguinte foi na Tunísia, de novo mais ou menos uma zona francesa, mas teve êxito, derrubaram o ditador. E depois veio o Egito, que é o mais importante devido a sua relevância no mundo árabe, que foi imensamente notável, uma imensa demonstração de valor, dedicação e compromisso. Tiveram êxito ao se desfazerem do ditador, ainda que o regime não tenha, todavia, mudado. Talvez mude, mas ainda segue aí, diferentes nomes, mas nada novo; esse levante, do 25 de janeiro, foi dirigido pelos jovens que se autodenominaram como o Movimento do 6 de abril.

Bem, o seis de abril se chama assim por uma razão, eles elegeram esse nome porque foi a data de uma ação importante de luta um par de anos antes, no complexo industrial têxtil de Mahalla, e que se acreditava que seria uma greve importante, levaram-se a cabo atividades de apoio e outras. Bem, foram reprimidos violentamente, isso foi em 6 de abril e essa foi uma da série de greves. Certo é que pouco depois da repressão do levante de 6 de abril, o presidente Obama foi ao Egito dar seu famoso discurso sobre a aproximação ao mundo muçulmano e os demais. Solicitou-se a ele em uma conferência de imprensa que dissesse algo sobre o governo autoritário do presidente Mubarak e disse que não, que Mubarak era um bom homem, que estava fazendo coisas boas mantendo a estabilidade e derrotando a greve de 6 de abril e que isso estava bem.

O mais chamativo é Barein. O que aí sucede está alarmando o Ocidente, em primeiro lugar porque Barein alberga a quinta frota americana, uma força militar importante na região. Segundo, porque é de maioria xiita e se chega até ali justamente através de uma estrada construída desde o leste de Arábia Saudita, que tem também uma população de maioria xiita, e sucede que é onde se encontra a maior parte do petróleo. Durante anos, os planejadores ocidentais se preocuparam pelos incidentes históricos e geográficos dali, porque a maior parte do petróleo mundial se encontra nas zonas xiitas, justamente ao redor desta parte do Golfo, Irã, sul do Iraque, leste da Arábia Saudita. Bem, se o levante de Bahrein se estende à Arábia Saudita, as potências ocidentais vão se ver realmente em dificuldades e de fato Obama modificou a retórica que utilizava oficialmente para falar dos levantes. Durante um tempo falou de mudança de regime, agora fala de alteração do regime. Não queremos que haja mudanças, é extraordinário poder contar com um ditador que nos faça o trabalho sujo.

Na atualidade, um fato bastante surpreendente sobre tudo isto é que..., dê uma olhada nos vazamentos de WikiLeaks, é muito interessante. Os mais conhecidos no Ocidente, as grandes manchetes, os vazamentos dos embaixadores que diziam que o mundo árabe nos apoia contra Irã... Mas havia algo que faltava nessas reações nos jornais, nos colunistas e outros, a saber: a opinião pública árabe, o que queriam dizer com isso de que os ditadores árabes nos apoiam? O que se passava com a opinião pública árabe? Não havia nada, não se informava nada. Nos EUA: zero, creio que há um informe na Inglaterra, de Jonathan Steele, e provavelmente nada na França, não sei. Mas sabe-se bem, e muitas agências prestigiosas publicaram, que os árabes que pensam que Irã é uma ameaça representam 10%.

A maioria, a imensa maioria, pensa que a maior ameaça vem dos EUA e Israel. No Egito, 90% dizem que os EUA é a maior ameaça, na realidade a política dos EUA é tão dura que eu acredito que no Egito quase 80% pensam que o regime seria melhor se Irã tivesse armas nucleares. Por toda a região, a maioria pensa assim. Voltando a John Berger e ao termo democracia, a valorização dos intelectuais ocidentais da democracia é tão profunda e está tão profundamente arraigada que a ninguém ocorre perguntar o que pensam os árabes; quando nos sentimos eufóricos de que os árabes nos apoiem, a resposta é que não nos interessam, enquanto estejam quietos e submetidos e controlados, enquanto há isso que chamamos de estabilidade, não importa o que pensam. Os ditadores nos apoiam e ponto, sentimo-nos eufóricos perante este tipo de vínculos, junto a uma boa quantia de questões... Mas, voltando ao comentário de Amira Hass, o sucedido deveria nos levar a pensar no que esteve sucedendo não somente no mundo árabe, mas em mais lugares e que muito frequentemente está motivado por uma razão essencial: a de terem sido submetidos com violência e assim ocorreu ao longo de todo um século.

Quero dizer que os britânicos estiveram reprimindo o movimento democrático no Irã há mais de um século. No Iraque, houve um levante xiita e, tão logo como os britânicos improvisaram o país após a primeira guerra mundial, reprimiram violentamente os grandes levantes; um dos primeiros usos da aviação foi para atacar os civis. Lloyd George escreveu em seu diário que isso foi algo grandioso porque tínhamos que nos reservar o direito de bombardear os “negros”. Continuou em 1953 quando os EUA e a Grã Bretanha se uniram para derrotar no Irã o governo parlamentarista. De 1936 a 1939, houve um levante árabe na Palestina contra os britânicos que foi violentamente combatido.

A primeira Intifada foi de novo um levante popular muito importante. Não foi violento em absoluto, mas sim, um verdadeiro movimento popular, com grupos de mulheres protestando contra a estrutura feudal, tentando destruí-la. Foi combatida sem piedade. Tão logo sucediam coisas como essas, elas eram combatidas. O que é incomum nesta ocasião é que na maioria dos países são suficientemente fortes como para poder sustentar-se. Não sabemos o que sucederá no Barein e Arábia Saudita. Na realidade, não sabemos o que vai suceder no Egito. O exército, que conservou até agora ao menos o controle e o alto comando militar, está profundamente embutido no velho regime opressor. Haviam se apoderado de grande parte da economia, eram os beneficiários da ditadura de Mubarak, não vão ceder facilmente, por isso nos resta ver o que vai suceder ali.


Alice Walker: Creio que é inevitável a solução de um único Estado ao impasse Palestina/Israel, e que é mais justa do que poderia ser a solução dos dois estados. Isto se deve ao fato de que não acredito que Israel deixe alguma vez de tentar ter sob seu controle os palestinos, sejam já cidadãos de Israel ou vivam nos territórios ocupados. Com a solução dos dois Estados haveria um estado israelita e um bantustão palestino. (Escritora estadunidense e autora do livro A Cor Púrpura)

Surpreendeu-me muito seu rechaço à ideia de um Estado como algo quase absurdo e gostaria de entender por que pensa assim. Não há nenhuma esperança de que israelitas e palestinos possam viver juntos como os brancos e negros após a caída do apartheid, na África do Sul?

É uma pergunta interessante. Ela é uma mulher maravilhosa, faz um bom trabalho, está realmente comprometida com a causa palestina, mas a pergunta diz algo sobre o recente movimento de solidariedade palestino. Quero dizer, se eu tivesse lhe feito a pergunta, digamos, por que pensa que é absurdo tentar defender direitos civis para os negros nos EUA? Ela teria se sentido desconcertada, dedicou grande parte de sua vida nisso. De fato, a única resposta possível seria: De que planeta você saiu? Isso é o que estive fazendo toda a minha vida.

É exatamente o mesmo aqui. Já faz setenta anos que estamos defendendo o que na recente ressurreição recebe o nome de um acordo para Um Estado. O acordo para Um Estado, que não é solução. Esse Acordo de Um Estado chama-se, frequentemente, de um acordo binacional e se se pensa nele, sim, terá de ser um acordo binacional. Isso foi o que eu estive fazendo quando era um jovem ativista nos anos quarenta, em oposição a um Estado judeu. E assim continuarei sempre. E é duro perder isso. Desde os últimos anos da década de 1960 escrevi toda uma série de livros, um número imenso de artigos, palestras constantemente, milhares delas, entrevistas, sempre ao redor do mesmo. Tentando trabalhar por um acordo binacional, em oposição a um Estado judeu.

Fiz toneladas de trabalhos sobre este tema, trabalho ativista, escrevendo, etc. Mas não é somente o slogan e acredito que é por isso que alguém como Alice Walker o desconhece. Não é somente um slogan, “vivamos juntos e felizes”. Trata-se de enfrentar seriamente o problema. Quando és sério sobre isso, pergunta-te “como podemos conseguir?” Bem, depende das circunstâncias, como todas as opções táticas. No período anterior a 1948, era simples, não queremos um Estado judeu, tenhamos um Estado binacional. De 1948 a 1967, dizias a ti mesmo que não era sensato eleger essa posição. Em 1967 abriu-se de novo a possibilidade. Houve uma oportunidade em 1967 de avançar para algum tipo de sistema federal para depois chegar a uma integração mais estreita, talvez um autêntico Estado laico binacional.

Em 1975, cristalizou o nacionalismo palestino e se introduziu na agenda, e a OLP ponderou um acordo de dois estados, com o imensamente doloroso consenso internacional dessa época para um acordo de dois estados na forma que todo o mundo conhece. De 1967 a 1975 era impossível defendê-lo diretamente e era um anátema, algo odiado, denunciado porque era ameaçador. Era ameaçador porque podia cumprir-se e isso prejudicaria a formação política. Portanto, enquanto se davam conta, denunciava-se e difamava-se. Desde 1975 podias ainda manter esta posição, mas tinhas de enfrentar a realidade, que teria que se alcançar por etapas. Há somente uma proposta que nunca escutei, a de que vivamos todos juntos em paz; a única proposta que conheço, começando com o consenso internacional, é a do acordo de dois Estados. Reduzirá o nível de violência, o ciclo de violência, abrirá possibilidades para uma interação mais estreita que já se produz em algum nível, inclusive nas circunstâncias atuais, comercial, cultural e outras formas de interação. Isso poderia levar a desgastar as fronteiras. Isso poderia levar a uma maior interação e talvez a algo como o velho conceito de Estado binacional.

Chamo agora de acordo porque não acredito que este seja o final do caminho. Não vejo razão particular alguma para render culto às fronteiras imperialistas. Assim que quando minha esposa e eu nos voltamos para quando éramos estudantes e íamos com a mochila pelo norte de Israel, e sucedia que cruzavas o Líbano, porque não há uma fronteira marcada, já se sabe, aparecia alguém nos gritando e nos dizendo para voltar. Por que deveria fazer uma fronteira ali? Foi imposto mediante a violência francesa e britânica. Tínhamos que avançar até uma maior integração de toda a região, não se fazia um acordo de um Estado se é que falamos da palavra. De qualquer forma, há uma série de coisas equivocadas com respeito aos Estados, por que deveríamos prestar culto às estruturas estatais? Teríamos de miná-las. Mas bem, em uma série de passos. Se alguém pode pensar em outra via para chegar até aí, então deveria nos contar. Podemos lhe escutar e falar sobre isso. Mas não sei de outra via. Portanto, tudo o que estive escrevendo e falando é demasiado complexo para colocá-lo em uma mensagem de twitter. Nesta época, isso significa que não existe. Tens de apoiar tanto o acordo para dois Estados como o acordo para um Estado. Tens de apoiar ambas as coisas, porque uma delas é o caminho para conseguir a outra. Se não fazes o primeiro movimento, não vai a lugar algum. Agora Alice Walker diz que Israel não aceitará um acordo de dois Estados. Tem razão. Tampouco vai aceitar o acordo de um Estado. Portanto, se esse argumento tem alguma força, sua proposta está fora de lugar, a minha também.

Por esse mesmo argumento, poder-se-ia tratar de demonstrar que o apartheid nunca teria fim. Que os nacionalistas brancos nunca aceitariam por fim ao apartheid, o que é verdade, então, Ok, renunciamos a luta contra o apartheid. Indonésia nunca renunciaria a Timor Leste, os generais diziam alto: “é uma província nossa e vamos mantê-la”. Isso tinha sido verdade se as ações tivessem se produzido no vazio. Mas não havia tal vazio, havia outros fatores implicados. Um dos fatores, que é importante, e de fato nestes casos é decisivo, é a política norte-americana. Bem, isso não está gravado em pedra. Quando a política dos EUA mudou sobre a Indonésia e Timor Leste, tomou-se literalmente uma frase do presidente Clinton para conseguir que os generais indonésios se fossem. Em um determinado momento ele disse: “Acabou-se”. E se retiraram.

No caso do apartheid, foi um pouco mais complicado. Cuba desempenhou um grande papel. Por exemplo, Cuba expulsou os sul-africanos de Namíbia e protegeu Angola. Isso teve um grande impacto. Mas foi quando mudou a política dos EUA, até 1990, quando esse movimento, o apartheid, veio abaixo. Agora, no caso de Israel, EUA é decisivo. Israel não pode fazer nada sem contar com o apoio dos EUA. Proporciona-lhe apoio democrático, militar, econômico e ideológico. Quando esse apoio se retira, fazem o que os EUA dizem. E assim sucedeu realmente uma e outra vez.

Portanto, se fosse verdade que se estivesse atuando em um vazio, nunca teriam aceitado algo que não fosse o que estão fazendo agora. Apoderando-se da prisão que é a Gaza, apoderando-se de todo o território que lhes dá vontade, já se sabe, e assim seguirão. Mas não estão atuando em um vazio. Há coisas que podemos fazer, como em outros casos, para mudar isso. E neste caos, penso que pode se considerar e, inclusive, traçar-se um plano para poder avançar em direção ao acordo de um Estado como um passo até algo inclusive melhor; há que seguir. Pelo que se pode ver, o único caminho para conseguir isso é apoiando o consenso internacional como primeiro passo. Um passo, um prelúdio para mais passos. Isso significa ações muito concretas. Não temos de organizar um seminário para discutir as possibilidades abstratas. Há passos muito concretos que podemos dar.

Por exemplo, retirar o exército israelense da Cisjordânia. Essa é uma proposta concreta e há toda uma série de medidas a adotar para levá-la a cabo. Por exemplo, a Anistia Internacional, que não é precisamente uma organização revolucionária, pediu um embargo de armas sobre Israel. Bem, se os EUA, Grã Bretanha, França e outros, se os povos podem pressionar os seus governos para que aceitem essa proposta e dizer que haverá um embargo de armas ao menos que retires o teu exército da Cisjordânia, isso teria efeito. Há outras ações que poderiam ser feitas. Se o exército sai da Cisjordânia, os colonos irão também com eles. Subirão nos caminhões que lhes facilitem e se transladarão desde suas casas subvencionadas na Cisjordânia para as suas casas subvencionadas em Israel. Da mesma forma como fizeram em Gaza, quando lhes foi dada a ordem. É provável que alguns fiquem, mas isso não importa, se querem seguir em um Estado palestino, isso é assunto seu. Portanto, há coisas muito concretas que podem ser feitas. Sei que não é questão de estalar os dedos e já está, mas não é pedir muito mais que o tipo de coisas que sucederam em outras partes quando a política das grandes potências mudou, sobretudo a dos EUA.

Frank Barat é coordenador do Tribunal Russel sobre Palestina e acaba de editar o livro de Noam Chomsky e Ilan Pappé Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel’s War Against the Palestinians.


Fonte: http://www.redpepper.org.uk/interview-with-noam-chomsky/
Traduzido do inglês para Rebelión por Sinfo Fernández
Traduzido para Diário Liberdade por Gabriela Blanco

quinta-feira, 7 de julho de 2011

ARIK ASCHERMAN: UNA FORMA SIONISTA DE DEFENDER A LOS PALESTINOS

29 junio 2011, Periodistas en Español (España)

Mel Frykberg (IPS/Jerusalén).- El rabino Arik Ascherman es, a la vez que un
ardiente sionista y religioso que cree que Dios hizo un pacto con su pueblo y la tierra de Israel, un persistente luchador por la defensa de los derechos humanos, en especial de los palestinos.


"Creo que la mejor forma de proteger a mis hijos y salvaguardar su futuro es luchar por la justicia y tomar partido por el sufrimiento de los palestinos", dijo Ascherman a IPS.

El desgarbado rabino, con su espesa barba y maraña de rulos bajo un solideo desplazándose por las colinas de Cisjordania puede confundirse con uno de los fanáticos colonos israelíes que se enfrentan con los palestinos.

Pero es todo lo contrario, Ascherman ayuda a los agricultores palestinos a cosechar aceitunas, reconstruir las casas destruidas por el ejército israelí y cavar pozos de agua. También es común que oficie de escudo humano cuando soldados y colonos judíos atacan a los palestinos.
"No hay nada como dejarse golpear por las fuerzas de seguridad israelí para formar un lazo común con ellos y darles una nueva perspectiva de quienes consideran su enemigo", río Ascherman, integrantes de Rabinos por los derechos humanos (Rabbis for Human Rights).

"Fui atacado y detenido varias veces y encarcelado una vez por policías y soldados israelíes, pero también los palestinos me rompieron los vidrios del automóvil creyendo que era un colono", relató.

Ascherman, casado con dos hijos, llegó a Israel en 1994 desde Estados Unidos.
La organización fue creada en 1988 para defender la causa de los pobres israelíes y defender los derechos de las minorías, incluidos los palestinos. También lucha contra el abuso de trabajadores extranjeros, a favor de la igualdad de género y de la erradicación de la trata de mujeres.

En 2006 recibió el prestigioso premio de paz Niwano por trabajar en un contexto interconfesional y, en 2011, Ascherman y el rabino Ehud Bandel obtuvieron el Gandhi por la Paz.

El sionismo es comparado con el racismo y el fanatismo porque se lo asocia con la expulsión de los palestinos de su histórico territorio y la violación de sus derechos.

La organización sostiene que defiende la auténtica voz de los sionistas y la tradición judía de defender los derechos humanos.

"Hay diferentes corrientes sionistas, las que son religiosas y las que no. Algunas las aborrezco y me desagradan, pero no representan a todos los judíos", respondió Ascherman al ser consultado por la expropiación de tierras a los palestinos para crear el estado de Israel en 1948.

"Hubo sionistas que fueron excluyentes y no quisieron compartir el territorio con los palestinos. Pero también estuvieron los pioneros sionistas socialistas que sí estaban dispuestos a hacerlo y se veían viviendo junto a ellos a la vanguardia de la revolución social", señaló.

"Creo en el derecho de los judíos a vivir en Israel y a existir, pero la tradición judía señala que la justicia y los derechos humanos triunfan sobre la creación del Gran Israel", añadió.

Gran parte del trabajo de Rabinos por los Derechos Humanos se desarrolla en Cisjordania, donde gracias a sus reclamaciones legales, agricultores palestinos pudieron acceder otra vez a sus huertos tras varios años de prohibición.

La labor de la organización en Jerusalén oriental sufre una enorme presión.

La situación en Cisjordania se tranquilizó un poco, pero en Jerusalén oriental la tensión es grande. Ascherman cree que es posible que haya una tercera Intifada (levantamiento palestino) y que ocurriría en esa parte de la ciudad.

"En Cisjordania puedo utilizar ciertas herramientas de la democracia israelí para luchar por los derechos de los palestinos y llegar a los medios. Pero en Jerusalén la situación es otra. Veo las mismas señales de enojo y frustración entre los palestinos que precedieron a la segunda Intifada", observó.

"Las autoridades israelíes están decididas a limitar la presencia palestina en Jerusalén oriental y seguir haciendo lugar a sus colonos. Muchas de esas iniciativas están financiadas por judíos ricos del exterior", indicó.

Todas las personas están obligadas a desempeñar su papel, incluso si el problema no se resuelve de inmediato, añadió.

sexta-feira, 10 de junho de 2011

Gaza, the most Facebook friendly place on earth

Social media sites are a force to reckon with in the Palestinian territories, says former PA communications minister, adding that if a new uprising erupts, that is where it will begin to brew.

5 June 2011, Haaretz הארץ (Israel)

By Natasha Mozgovaya

WASHINGTON - Although his father Mamdouh Saidam was one of the founders of Fatah, Dr. Sabri Saidam, deputy secretary general of the Fatah Revolutionary Council, entered the political arena at the relatively late age of 34. It was then that he was appointed minister of communications and information technology in the Palestinian government. Today, no longer in government, the former "Mr. Technology" of the Palestinian Authority prefers the hat of researcher and Palestinian Internet guru. He is also one of the activists behind the establishment of the Palestinian domain ps.

"Coming from the IT field, I can tell you honestly that I've always felt as if I were carving in stone - getting computers or talking about e-government in Palestine was mission impossible," he says in an interview with Haaretz. "Now all the politicians are meeting bloggers and talking to them. There was no party interested in these people until the events in Tunisia and Egypt. They were considered to be time-wasters, kids."

Saidam is in Washington now working with the Aspen Institute to promote entrepreneurship among young Palestinians. "All of a sudden, everybody wants to know and have a private session to talk about Facebook and how they can open an account," he says.

Half of Palestinian households in the West Bank and Gaza Strip have computers, according to Saidam, and about 30 percent are connected to the Internet.

"When the demonstrations started in Tunisia, there were 600,000 Palestinian Facebook users, and 200,000 of them were posting about politics. Each one of these 200,000 Facebook users is influencing five people around him. We're talking about over a million Palestinians over the age of 18. In terms of population size, that's 33 percent. In Egypt, that would be 28 million Egyptians, but there it took only 2,890 bloggers and computer activists to do what was done. The moral of the story is that there is a critical mass of Palestinians waiting to see how things are going to swing."

Saidam believes that all those who stormed Israel's borders on Nakba Day were simply in rehearsal mode. "Those who have broken the fear barrier, will be willing to do it again," he says. "Israel focuses on September, but they ought to focus on the 5th of June, the anniversary of the Six-Day War. There are already increased calls to march into the borders again."

There are two schools of thought on the matter, he says. "There's one that says: 'You've done it once, thank God there weren't more casualties, but don't do it again. Go to the borders, amass as many people as you can, but don't cross, because Israel has now learned the lesson. They can go and camp for a while, and this camping will send a message to Israel and the world, and it will help the Palestinians to build up pressure as preparations are made for September.' The other school of thought says: 'No, let's break fences and charge.' There are more supporters of the second approach."

Saidam says that the PA is beginning to understand the power of the Internet, and many of its members now want to meet with bloggers and open an account. "But there is no Palestinian Wael Ghonim [the young Google marketing executive who became a symbol of the revolution] . . . It's the issue of getting bored of the fact that they see leaders who existed for dozens of years. They don't want any leaders."
The trigger, he says, were the demonstrations held in the West Bank on March 15, when young Palestinians marched and called for an end to the rift between Hamas and Fatah. Abu Mazen then announced that he would be willing to go to Gaza, and an agreement was hammered out. "The young people felt they had some influence on the decision," says Saidam. "And I am telling my peers that they should not only passively listen but allow young blood to flow into the decision making of the parties."

Saidam notes that even Abu Mazen has a Facebook account. "He has a page where he posts all his meetings at president.ps. He is interested, but he is overwhelmed. Whenever I talk to him about computers, he is extremely supportive, but he doesn't have time to surf the Internet. He has a lot on his plate."

Saidam finds it amusing that a member of Congress recently asked whether the Palestinians use the Internet: "Do Palestinians use the Internet? Who is to blame for this Congressman not knowing whether we use Internet or not? No wonder they gave Netanyahu 29 standing ovations . . . they are totally ignorant. I've been in meetings in Congress, and there is a major problem, and it's a problem of education. If they visit Palestine, it's usually a courtesy visit of two hours."

Gaza a Facebook champion
Per capita, says Saidam, the largest number of Facebook users in the world is in Gaza.

"That's one thing people don't know," he says. Per capita, the largest number of video conferencing in the world is also in the Palestinian territories. "The legislative council used to meet through video conferencing in the West Bank and Gaza," says Saidam.

"There were medical exams conducted over the Internet. My mother, who lives in Gaza, has a heart problem. She comes to Makassed Hospital in East Jerusalem for treatment. And in so many cases, she was refused permission to go back to Gaza after treatment. That's one of the reasons I was trying to promote Internet treatment so people wouldn't have to travel. People takes it for granted because the culture of IT is so embedded in society, but there are economic hardships that prevent people from acquiring technology, even though 94 percent use cell phones."

Several weeks ago, Saidam launched a project in the territories in which experienced Internet users volunteer to teach parents, especially stay-at-home mothers, to use the computer and to surf the Internet. Every Monday he has a radio program in which he advises listeners about what should not be publicized on Facebook. If they surf in other countries, he tells them, they need to bear in mind that the boss has the ability to surf their page, and in the case of Palestinians, so does the Shin Bet security service.

Another problem he cites is that Palestinians telecommunications services are provided by Israeli companies. "This is a prime source of intelligence for the Shabak [Shin Bet], Mossad and whatever," he says. "Everybody here publishes his or her beliefs and opinions and pictures and family news - everything. I tell them: You are the owner of the information. Whatever you are hesitant about - don't release it."

According to Saidam, Palestinian politicians are afraid of the Internet because they have no control over those who surf it. "But then they came to realize that it's something that is totally out of the censorship scissors, nobody can gag anybody else, it's a free world."

The Third Intifada Facebook page, he notes was created in Lebanon - not in the West Bank or Gaza Strip. Facebook, under Jewish pressure, decided to close it. But being controversial is being famous. After Facebook closed it, there were several new pages."

Saidam says that young Palestinians are more committed than most would believe. "When you have a kid coming to his parents at Yarmouk refugee camp [in Syria], telling them he's going to have dinner in Jaffa, and they laugh at him and don't take him seriously. And then he ends up going with Israeli peace activists to Jaffa, has dinner there, gives an interview to Channel 10 and then gives himself up to the Israeli police. I think any Israeli general should worry.

"I lived in Gaza and the West Bank and have seen every adventure you can imagine, but to have this level of commitment, to come all the way to Jaffa, that's what makes me think that the 5th of May was only a rehearsal. Most young people are not talking about the peace process or the Arab initiative or the 1967 borders. If a new revolution erupts, it will be a revolution led by more sophisticated minds than those in the second intifada."

Right-wing domination
Unlike Netanyahu, he says, the Palestinians did not say "no" to everything. But Netanyahu's speech has, for all intents and purposes, eliminated the possibility that the PA will renege on its plans to ask the United Nations to vote on Palestinian statehood in September. "Our feeling is that Israeli society is dominated by right-wingers," he says. "I believe Netanyahu is receiving intelligence reports that the Palestinians won't make any further noise."

Still, the situation on the ground has changed, he says. The Palestinians have never enjoyed more support and have finally succeeded in building a consensus. The Israeli leadership, he notes, initially said that there was nothing to discuss because there was no unity among the Palestinians, and now it says that there is nothing to discuss because there is unity.

Saidam has the following to say about Hamas: "Nobody wants them to be part of the government, and they know it. Two things they won't do - they won't sit in the government, and they won't conduct the negotiations. And they know there will be a referendum."

Saidam thinks that Palestinian unity is a good thing. "We had our worst brain drain, not during the 40 plus years of occupation, but during the time of Palestinian disunity. Hamas, despite all the negative things, stands for 1967 borders, for the same political vision as Fatah."

Saidam lives in Ramallah with his two children. He has a doctorate from a British university but has never considered leaving his home. "My father was the deputy commander of the Palestinian forces in Jordan. He was diagnosed with cancer. He passed away during the conflict in 1971. I was four months old, and I had taken it upon myself that upon concluding my studies, I would go back to Palestine. In December 1995, I went to visit my family in the refugee camps of Gaza. I was encouraged to come back and live in Palestine and fulfill my dream. I have two kids, they are in Ramallah. No matter what happens, we are not leaving. I think even if we get slaughtered in our homes, we will not leave."

Every Palestinian who has lost a loved one in the conflict has a personal dilemma, he says. "In order to achieve peace with the Israelis, they have to understand our lives on the other side of the fence, how my mother spends 36 hours without electricity in Gaza, how people who need dialysis can't leave, how civilians are paying the price of the conflict. My oldest son, who is 8 years old, understands the connection. I caught him talking to his mother about the Jewish man on TV. His mother said, 'It's a Jewish man' and he said, 'This can't be, don't all Jews wear military outfits?' This is all he sees. He sees Israelis only at the checkpoints. He doesn't see them in my home. He doesn't go to their homes."

quinta-feira, 2 de junho de 2011

ISRAELI JEWS JOIN ‘DAILY INTIFADA’ IN JERUSALEM

Historic Protest in Ras al-Amud, Jerusalem

Jews for Justice for Palestinians http://jfjfp.com (Israel)

Abe Hayeem
Just Peace, 31.5.06

For the first time in decades, Palestinian activists in Ras al-Amud, a
neighborhood of Jerusalem south-east of the Old City, invited Jewish Israeli
activists to join them in their protest against a fortress settlement in
their area. The neighborhood is the site of nearly daily confrontations
between Palestinian youth and Israeli forces, and is sometimes referred to
as the “daily intifada”. It is located in an area known as E1, or the
“linchpin settlement” which if won over by settlers, would officially divide
the West Bank into a south and a north half. The Real News’ Lia Tarachansky
spoke to Michel Warschawski, the author of On the Border, and Sarah Beninga,
a central activist in the Jerusalem Solidarity movement about the
demonstration where for the first time Israeli police used tasers, about the
strategic importance of Ras al-Amud, and about the behind-the-scenes of
building solidarity.

Transcript of the Video

LIA TARACHANSKY, TRNN: Ras al-Amud is a Jerusalem neighborhood southeast of
the Old City, sometimes referred to as the daily intifada. For years,
Palestinian youth have thrown stones at the police and were met with tear
gas, rubber bullets, and more often than elsewhere, live ammunition.

~~~

UNIDENTIFIED: In the midnight, the soldiers come to their houses and took
them to the prison. Every day, we have two people: soldiers and the young
Palestinian. They–.
UNIDENTIFIED: Every day.
UNIDENTIFIED: Huh?
UNIDENTIFIED: Every day.
UNIDENTIFIED: Every day. Soldier give gas against our young people. Young
people give stones. And the result, they took them in the midnight to the
prison.

~~~

TARACHANSKY: On Friday, for the first time in decades, Jewish-Israeli
solidarity activists were invited to demonstrate against the fortress
settlement established in the neighborhood. The Real News spoke to Sarah
Beninga, one of the leading activists who was injured and arrested on
Friday.

~~~

SARAH BENINGA, JERUSALEM SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT: So we’ve been demonstrating
for a year and a half or over a year and a half in Sheikh Jarrah. It’s
another neighborhood in East Jerusalem. In Silwan, also, before we had
demonstrations there, we had connections there, and it took a long time for
things to come to the point where we were able to do joint demonstrations
[incompr.] because it’s also another area which is very violent because of
the huge settler existence there and the police supporting the settlers
there. And the police were very violent as well.
TARACHANSKY: It took you a while to go from Sheikh Jarrah to Silwan and from
Silwan to Ras al-Amud and what it takes to be finally trusted and invited by
the Palestinians.
BENINGA: The Palestinians, rightfully so, are very suspicious of Israelis
coming into their neighborhoods, because they don’t [incompr.] their
experience throughout the past 40-something years. They’ve been betrayed
many times and used and so on [incompr.] the settlers use all kinds of
horrible methods to get people out of their houses. So I’m saying there’s a
basic suspicion. And we’re talking undercover police. We’re talking what’s
called /mIs.taU.”vi/ , which are people who supposedly look Palestinian, and
they come into a demonstration, and then they start throwing stones and
make–and then it gives the military or the police an excuse to come in and
start raiding the demonstration or gas or bullets or whatever.

~~~

TARACHANSKY: The protesters were demonstrating against the addition of 25
families to the fortress settlements of Maale HaZeitim. Carved out of the
center of the neighborhood, it’s heavily guarded by private security guards
24 hours a day. Until recently, the struggle here has been going on in the
background and it’s been led by youth. Defense for Children International
reports that children are often arrested in the middle of the night in Ras
al-Amud, beaten, and interrogated by Israeli forces. But the fight here is
only part of the larger battle for Jerusalem. Last week, Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke at the US Congress, reiterating the
longtime Israeli position towards the city.

BENJAMIN NETANYAHU, ISRAELI PRIME MINISTER: Jerusalem must never again be
divided. Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel.

TARACHANSKY: The Real News spoke to Michel Warschawski, the cofounder of the
Alternative Information Center, a longtime Israeli activist, and the author
of On the Border. At the end of the ’80s, Warschawski was a political
prisoner sentenced to jail time for his work on the issue of borders and
Jerusalem.

~~~

MICHEL WARSCHAWSKI, AUTHOR AND ACTIVIST: In 1967, the annexation of East
Jerusalem was done under the pretext of reunifying Jerusalem. Reunifying is
something very sexy, very positive, like Berlin, like other artificially
divided cities. The problem is that what was annexed had nothing to do with
Jerusalem ever. It is ten time bigger than what was Jerusalem. In fact, what
was annexed was all the territory that could be described as Jerusalem. This
is why it stopped in Bethlehem–no one would have bought the idea that
annexing Bethlehem would have been reunifying Jerusalem in the south. So we
went to–until Bethlehem, and it was annexed. Until Ramallah, but without
Ramallah. It was annexed. And until the eastern neighborhood of East
Jerusalem, the very populated neighborhood of Abu Dis. And the principle was
maximum lands, minimum Palestinian population. Where there were Palestinian
population, it was outside the annexation. The empty lands or the mostly
empty land of these small towns or villages or neighborhoods outside
Jerusalem were taken. The villages and the cities were kept outside. At the
heart of this project is what is known as E1 area. E1 is a big space between
the Old City in East Jerusalem and Maale Adumim. And the priority since more
than ten years is to create a continuity of Israeli existence between Maale
Adumim and East Jerusalem in E1. It’s mathematically impossible to find the
number of people able to settle it. So you have a plan for a cemetery, for a
park, for a hotel complex, and several neighborhoods or several settlements.
E1, in my opinion, is top priority to fight against. Confrontation with the
local population in Silwan, as well as in Sheikh Jarrah or in Ras al-Amud,
is now part of the policy of the government, which implies, of course,
physical confrontation, repression, and then, at a certain stage, the
expulsion.

TARACHANSKY: So it sounds like a vicious sort of race to get as much as
possible of East Jerusalem Judaized in the case that there’s ever a division
or if any–let’s say the United States imposes giving back the territory
that was occupied in ‘67.

WARSCHAWSKI: Absolutely.

~~~

TARACHANSKY: On Wednesday, tens of thousands of settlers are going to ascend
on Jerusalem for an annual march celebrating what is known as Jerusalem Day.
This march often ends in violence for the local Palestinians living east of
the Green Line in the city.

BENINGA: Jerusalem Day is a day that celebrates the unification of Jerusalem
that happened in the ‘67 war. Although Jerusalem has been declared unified,
it’s really a separated city. It’s actually a kind of small apartheid city.
And you see this [incompr.] like Arab neighborhoods don’t have basic things.
They don’t have a city plan. Some of them don’t have sewage and electricity
done by the municipality [incompr.] because they don’t have a city plan,
there are no permits given out, or there are very little–I think 100 given
out in the last year. And social service is very different, like much more
in the Jewish–in the West Jerusalem. And on Jerusalem Day, what they do is
at night they have what’s called [incompr.] it’s like a parade of flags.
It’s basically a day that celebrates the occupation.

TARACHANSKY: Six protesters were arrested and released later in the day.
Several were injured lightly, and one demonstrator was Tasered. This was the
first time police used Tasers in such protests, according to the activists.
They are now preparing to demonstrate against the tens of thousands of
settlers who will ascend on the city on Wednesday for Jerusalem Day.

End of Transcript

DISCLAIMER: Please note that transcripts for The Real News Network are typed
from a recording of the program. TRNN cannot guarantee their complete
accuracy.

terça-feira, 31 de maio de 2011

Israel se prepara para tomar el control de la Flotilla de la Libertad II

31 mayo 2011/TeleSUR http://www.telesurtv.net

El Ejército de Israel amenazó esta martes con tomar el control de los barcos de la segunda Flotilla de la Libertad si se desobedece la orden de parada. El jefe militar, Benny Gantz, dijo que el objetivo de esta misión no es la de llevar ayuda a la Franja de Gaza, si no de "encender el odio y la provocación" contra Israel.

A un año del sangriento ataque contra la primera avanzada que intentó llevar suministros a los palestinos en Gaza, Gantz aseguró que "el Ejército israelí ha aprendido las lecciones del (Mavi) Marmara", sin embargo dejó claro que sus soldados "actuarán para impedir todo intento de romper el bloqueo".

La marina israelí ha venido realizando en las últimas semanas ejercicios conjuntos con la Fuerza Aérea para prepararse ante una intervención, dijo un alto oficial israelí a la prensa según reportó el diario Jerusalen Post.

El impreso agregó que también participan efectivos antimotines para neutralizar cualquier resistencia y que, según el oficial, se preve hacerse "sin violencia".

El 31 de mayo de 2010 el Mavi Marmara lideraba una flotilla de barcos que intentaban llevar ayuda a Gaza. En una operación comando el Ejército israelí tomó por asalto el buque, asesinó a nueve activistas turcos y dejó a más de 50 activistas heridos.

La Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) y varios países, entre ellos Rusia, condenaron las acciones de Israel. El Gobierno israelí alegó que sus soldados abrieron fuego solo después de que les “atacaran” los activistas turcos.

Manifestaciones en Turquía
A un año del ataque, las manifestaciones en conmemoración a la fecha se han visto en varias parte del mundo. En Turquía se vieron las concentraciones más multitudinarias. A gritos "Alá es grande" e "Israel, asesino" la multitud pidió el fin al bloqueo de Gaza impuesto por Israel desde 2006.

"Espera, Palestina, el Mavi Marmara llega", "De Estambul a Gaza, resistencia", se leían pancartas en turco, inglés y hebreo, mientras una amplia bandera representaba los retratos de los nueve mártires turcos.

Los manifestantes estuvieron acompañados de activistas de la primera flotilla, así como algunos de los mil 500 aspirantes que viajarán en el próximo convoy humanitario el próximo mes de julio.

Tunca y Kess Mittendorf, una pareja sexagenaria que este año formará parte de la Flotilla de la Libertad II expresó al diario El País de España que "llevamos 24 años luchando por la causa palestina, desde la segunda Intifada. ¿Crees qué tenemos miedo a las balas de los israelíes?".

Los organizadores de la segunda flotilla de ayuda humanitaria internacional reiteraron este lunes en Estambul su determinación de romper antes de finales de junio el bloqueo israelí, pese a la reapertura de la frontera entre Egipto y la Franja de Gaza.

"Saludamos de todo corazón la decisión del Gobierno egipcio de hacer funcionar de manera regular la terminal de Rafah entre Egipto y la Franja de Gaza, pero el bloqueo ilegal de Israel sigue efectivo", declaró en una conferencia de prensa Vangelis Pisias, coordinador de la Flotilla de la Libertad II.

"Israel impide todavía a los palestinos utilizar su mar y controla y restringe duramente los bienes que ingresan y salen de Gaza. Por eso, debemos seguir desafiando el bloqueo", añadió el activista griego.

Todavía se desconoce la fecha para la partida de la segunda flotilla, sin embargo fuentes de la organización señalan el día 25 de junio como la fecha en la que la nave capitana turca partirá de Estambul rumbo a Chipre.

Mavi Mármara se reunirá con los 15 barcos que forman el convoy. Zarparán desde España, Francia, Italia, Grecia y Turquía para encontrarse en aguas chipriotas, desde donde seguirán rumbo al puerto de Gaza, bloqueado por las autoridades israelíes. A bordo viajarán ciudadanos de un centenar de países, según los organizadores, que han puesto mucho cuidado en resaltar el carácter "internacional, no gubernamental y pacífico" de la flotilla.

Asimismo, mil 500 activistas de un centenar de países transportarán productos humanitarios, materiales de construcción, entre ellos 600 a 700 toneladas de cemento, material escolar, equipos médicos, medicamentos y juguetes.

El Gobierno de Israel aplica desde el año 2006 un bloqueo férreo contra el pueblo palestino, que mantiene cerrados los pasos fronterizos necesarios para recibir ayuda humanitaria, alimentos y combustible para la única planta de electricidad de la Franja de Gaza.

domingo, 15 de maio de 2011

Nakba’s 63 Commemoration: Palestinian Right of Return and Israel’s Fears

May 15, 2011, Occupied Palestine http://occupiedpalestine.wordpress.com
PNN – Palestine News Network

By Munjed Jadou, PNN Editor in Chief

This year Nakba Commemoration is somehow
special, this date May 15,1948 is always marked by Palestinians as the day of exile and losing their country, but this year Israel did not hide its fear from a third Intifada as Palestinians retreated their demands of right of retune and independence.

As thousands demonstrated across the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; the Lebanese and Syrian borders with Israel, in cloudy day as if the skies are angry with the Palestinians today; Israel’s fear resembled bushing more troops to the borders implementing a siege on the West Bank and lookdown Jerusalem.

The fear also was seen by the Israeli government decision to deploy 10,000 soldiers in Palestinian cities inside Israel; fearing an intifada (uprising) inside Israel, it probably exceeds their fears form one in the West Bank and Gaza.

This year Arab nations joined the Palestinian intifada even though its fighting dictators all over the arab world, this gave hope to the Palestinians, hope to continue the struggle. Today people set their tents on fire, today people protest.

Israel must understand that occupation doe not last for long nor land theft and lies; Israel today fears, because its leaders know that they can’t keep denying Palestinian rights for ever.

terça-feira, 19 de abril de 2011

VITTORIO ARRIGONI, "HERO OF PALESTINE"


15 April 2011
Vittorio Arrigoni in Gaza, June 2010. (Lu Yingxu/Newscom)
Palestinians and international solidarity activists around the world are collectively mourning the shocking death of Vittorio Arrigoni, an Italian journalist and solidarity activist. Arrigoni was also an occasional contributor to The Electronic Intifada (see “Gaza’s record-breaking children,” 16 August 2010 and “No words to console Gaza child after mother is killed by Israeli shelling,” 26 July 2010).
Arrigoni, 36, was found dead early this morning in Gaza City, hours after a video of him blindfolded and apparently beaten had surfaced on the Internet. In the video, his captors threaten to execute Arrigoni unless the Hamas government in Gaza released the little-known group’s imprisoned leader.
Arrigoni was the first foreign national known to be kidnapped in Gaza since Hamas began administering the territory four years ago. Previously, there had been a number of kidnappings of journalists, international aid workers and other visitors to Gaza, all eventually released. BBC reporter Alan Johnston was the most high-profile and longest-held captive, held for 114 days by the Dughmush clan, which some observers say have operated opportunistically and criminally under the guise of Islamic piety.
While the identities of Arrigoni’s kidnappers and those responsible for his death and the reasons why they killed him are murky, Arrigoni himself was well-known and admired by those with whom he worked in solidarity with the Palestinian people. He first arrived to Palestine in 2002, his mother, Egidia Beretta, told the Italian news agency ANSA (“Hamas says it found body of Italian activist,” The New York Times, 15 April 2011).
Arrigoni was involved with the International Solidarity Movement, and had last entered Gaza in 2009 during one of the efforts to break the siege on Gaza by boat. Arrigoni was among a handful of international activists present during Israel’s winter 2008-09 attacks on the Gaza Strip, volunteering with the Palestine Red Crescent Society’s emergency medical worker teams, despite the very dangerous conditions they faced. He was frequently interviewed by Italian media during the three weeks of bombardment, as Israel had banned journalists from entering the Gaza Strip. His daily dispatches during those three weeks, during which 1,400 Palestinians were killed, the vast majority civilians, were published in 2010 in a book titled Gaza: Stay Human, translated into English by Daniela Filippin and with an introduction by Israeli historian and dissident Ilan Pappe.
Arrigoni had been injured and arrested several times by the Israeli military. According to the International Solidarity Movement, Arrigoni was injured when the Israeli navy fired a water cannon at Palestinian fishing boats off the coast of Gaza. Palestinian fishermen have been repeatedly attacked — and sometimes killed — as Israel has imposed tight restrictions on how far out to sea Palestinians are allowed to fish (“ISM Rafah: Italian activist injured by Israeli navy off Gaza coast,” 16 September 2008).
A month later, Arrigoni was kidnapped along with 15 Palestinian fishermen and three accompanying international activists, from Palestinian waters. According to an International Solidarity Movement activist writing on her blog, “At the time of his abduction, he was electrically shocked while peacefully avoiding abduction by diving into Gaza’s cold waters” (“Vik: a friend, a brother, a humanist,” 15 April 2011).
Arrigoni, known as “Vik” by many, was also a familiar face in the refugee camps in Lebanon. He was one of a trickle of international solidarity activists who volunteered in Nahr al-Bared camp in northern Lebanon, which was destroyed during and after fighting between the Lebanese army and a fundamentalist group in 2007.
Arrigoni was long involved in human rights issues. The deputy mayor of Bulciago, Arrigoni’s hometown north of Milan, said that the activist “had worked in Eastern Europe and Africa before embracing the Palestinian cause” (“Hamas says it found body of Italian activist,” The New York Times, 15 April 2011).
The murder of Arrigoni comes just days after the assassination of Palestinian cultural figure Juliano Mer-Khamis, who was murdered by an unknown assailant outside of the Jenin Freedom Theatre, which he helped re-establish in the occupied West Bank refugee camp. Mer-Khamis’ killing, like that of Arrigoni, sent waves of shock throughout the Palestinian and solidarity communities.
Palestinian factions including the Hamas government in Gaza, Fatah, Islamic Jihad, the Palestinian People’s Party and the Popular Resistance Committees, all condemned the kidnapping and murder of Arrigoni (“Palestinian factions denounce murder of Italian activist,” Ma’an News Agency, 15 April 2011).
Arrigoni’s death also comes after a week of Israeli military attacks on the Gaza Strip, which claimed the lives of nearly twenty Palestinians.
In a press release distributed by the International Solidarity Movement and the Free Gaza Movement, before it was learned that Arrigoni had been killed, Khalil Shaheen — a friend of Arrigoni with the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights — said “Vittorio Arrigoni is a hero of Palestine” (“Palestinians call for release of Italian activist kidnapped in Gaza,” 14 April 2011).
Vigils and gatherings to mourn Arrigoni were ongoing in Gaza City, and in the occupied West Bank cities of Bethlehem and Ramallah at the time of publication. Similar actions were being organized in London and other international cities. 

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